Suchergebnisse

The growth of e-government services and Internet presence of governments is a global phenomenon. Even though in much of the Caribbean, citizen access to the Internet ranges from 8.5 to 40.0 percent, Caribbean nations have increasingly developed a web presence. E-government is well-established within the fifteen Caricom nations, which include both English-speaking and non-English–speaking nations. An assessment of the level of maturity, features, and functionality of the web presence of the Caribbean nations indicates a low level of success possibly due to lack of infrastructure. In one report, the Caribbean nations that provide a web presence often failed to provide or provided minimal levels of contact information, hours of operation, email or other means of contact, and failed to offer downloadable or electronic forms.

The use of Internet voting in public elections has been challenged based on claims that it is biased against minorities and lower income voters. Although previous research has supported these claims, we find that race and other socioeconomic factors do not affect the choice of Internet voting when it is used as an absentee voting method. Using individual-level vote data from the 2004 Michigan Democratic Primary, we model the two-stage decision-making process that voters face where they must first decide to cast an absentee ballot and then decide what ballot to use (Internet or mail). Our findings show that Internet voting is not more biased than other absentee voting methods, although younger voters are much more likely to choose to vote online.

Este artigo analisa algumas das tensões políticas experimentadas pelas regulações de internet: especificamente, as posições que enfrentam a não-regulação da internet (e seus neutralidades) com as tendências para a possível re-regulação da rede-de redes. O trabalho é parte de uma pesquisa mais ampla que busca analisar e repensar os princípios arquitectónicos (tecnológico e jurídico-políticos) de internet. Seu propósito é fortalecer as discussões sobre o domínio das regulações da internet a nível regional e contribuir para o desenvolvimento das tecnologias digitais destinadas à inclusão social ea justa distribuição da riqueza da humanidade. ; En el artículo se analizan algunas de las tensiones políticas que atraviesan las regulaciones de internet: específicamente, las posiciones que enfrentan a la no-regulación de internet (y sus neutralidades) con las tendencias hacia las posibles re-regulaciones de la red-de-redes. Este trabajo es parte de una investigación mayor que busca analizar y repensar los principios arquitectónicos (tecnológicos y jurídico-políticos) de internet. Tiene por finalidad fortalecer las discusiones sobre el campo de las regulaciones de internet a escala regional y contribuir al desarrollo de tecnologías digitales orientadas a la inclusión social y a la justa distribución de las riquezas de la humanidad. ; This article analyzes some of the political tensions that cross internet regulations: specifically, the positions facing the non-regulation of the internet (and its neutralities) with trends toward possible re-regulation of the network-of-networks. The work is part of a larger research that seeks to analyze and rethink the architectural principles (technological and legal-political) of internet. Its purpose is to strengthen discussions on the field of internet regulations at regional level and contribute to the development of digital technologies oriented to social inclusion and fair distribution of the wealth of humanity.

Various emerging digital information societies like India exercise Internet shutdowns and information blackouts regularly as a way of dealing with different kinds of crises. These blackouts are justified as countering the misinformation cycles that amplify (dis)information that we have come to characterize as "fake news." An immersive ethnography during an Internet shutdowns in India revealed these blackouts are neither absolute nor foolproof because blackouts have multiple back doors that allow different kinds of information to flow through networked and social negotiations. I argue that Internet shutdowns need to be seen as specific exercises of geopolitical and sovereign power and read as performative because they are both inefficient and ineffective in achieving information blackouts. Making a distinction between misinformation and disinformation, I show how these Internet shutdowns do not stop the circulation of fake news but, as infrastructural tools, they enable state (dis)information and propaganda to spread without resistance and thus become potent tools in curbing protests and rightful critique of authoritarian practices.

The thesis focuses on the role of youth members in political opposition parties in the Arab Republic of Egypt. The parties, as well as the state, are authoritarian in structure. The thesis discusses possibilities for youth participation in the upper-levels of political parties, and their subjective opinions of being included or excluded in internal debates and decision-making processes. In particular, the thesis discusses the parties' use of internet and whether the internet arena is a space in which young people can contribute in the development and working of the parties. The analysis is based on data from first-hand information obtained through interviews with members of several Egyptian parties. The discussion is situated within academic debates on the nature of agency within authoritarian party and state structures. The conclusion suggests that youth members in Egyptian opposition parties may influence the working of the parties. However, due to the domination of structural phenomena, such as authoritarian structures, patron-client relations and a patriarchal system, youth's presence does not affect the parties in a substantial manner. Youth possess agency but do not produce organizational change, because the structural phenomena are used to control people and social entities. It is further concluded that the internet is an arena in which mainly youth members participate. The internet gives youth a larger room for involvement, but does not contribute at a general party level. This situation is not a result of structural phenomena, but is caused by the age gap between leadership and active youth members. The analysis suggests that Egypt experiences a situation of negative peace.

"Serial no.109-99." ; Shipping list no. 2006-0277-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Serial no. 109-24." ; Shipping list no.: 2005-0231-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Serial no. 109-59." ; Shipping list no.: 2006-0127-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.