Search results

El corpus teórico islámico regula todos los aspectos de la vida del creyente, desde las normas políticas y sociales a las que debe hacer frente el individuo y la colectividad, hasta la forma de observar los preceptos religiosos. Así, partiendo del estudio de los movimientos y tendencias de la política y la religión en el Islam, se analiza el discurso violento del islamismo radical, las causas de su surgimiento, la tipología del activista islámico, etc., mostrando la necesidad de profundizar en las causas globales del terrorismo islámico internacional. ; Korpus teoriko islamikoak, sinesten duenaren aspektu guztiak jasotzen ditu, arau politiko eta sozialak, baita prezeptu erlijiosoak behatzeko era ere. Islam-eko mugimenduak eta tendentzia politiko eta erlijiosoen azterketatik abiatuta, islamismoaren diskurtso biolentoa eta sorreraren arrazoiak aztertzen dira, nazioarteko terrorismo islamikoaren arrazoi globalak aztertzeko beharra azalduz. ; Le corpus théorique islamique règle tous les aspects de la vie du croyant, tant les normes politiques et sociales auxquelles doit faire face l'individu et la collectivité, comme la façon d'observer les préceptes religieux. Ainsi, en partant de l'étude des mouvements et tendances de la politique et la religion dans l'Islam, on analyse le discours violent de l'islamisme radical, les causes de son surgissement, la typologie de l'activiste islamique, etc., en montrant la nécessité d'approfondir dans les causes globales du terrorisme islamique international. ; The theoretical Islamic corpus regulates all the aspects of the believer's life, the political and social norms that the individual and the collectivity must face with, as well as the way to observe the religious rules. Thus, starting from the study of the movements and tendencies of the Islamic policy and religion, is analyzed the violent discourse of the radical Islamism, as well as the causes of its origin, the different Islamic activists, etc., showing the necessity of dealing with the global causes of international Islamic terrorism.

Abstract
The article describes the making of the right of worship of Muslim minorities in Europe and its current difficulties, presenting and commenting on the emblematic example of local legislation concerning the building of new mosques in northern Italy. Controlling norms arise from recent decisions of the Italian Constitutional Court. The Court declared unconstitutional certain provisions of two regional laws approved by the Lombardy region (2/2015) and the Veneto region (12/2016), which imposed very strict conditions for the opening, approval and use of mosques. In particular, the Court declared unconstitutional norms that—with regard to the building of places of worship—introduced certain conditions for groups with an agreement with the State and different conditions for those without. Moreover, the Court declared unconstitutional the principle that all religious services that take place in a building open to public should be conducted in Italian. The basic assumption of the article is that current discrimination is the combined result of anti-migration sentiment and Islamophobic prejudices, and the consequence of the Eurocentric nature of the principle of religious freedom. A historically-oriented pluralism and multilevel (national) enforcement of freedom of religion seem to be huge obstacles to the implementation of the right to worship for Muslims in Europe and Italy.

Purpose
As Covid-19 became a pandemic, numerous people were forced to stay at home, leading to increased intimate partner violence (IPV) in many countries, particularly in developing and least-developed ones. This paper aims to highlight the IPV based on 15 different cases formed from the practical evidence of five developing countries.


Design/methodology/approach
The authors interviewed 15 women from five countries who were the victims of IPV during the early periods of Covid-19 outbreak. Due to geographical remoteness, the authors conducted informal telephone interviews to collect the participants' personal experiences. The conversations were recorded with participants' permission; afterwards, the authors summarized participants' experiences into 15 different cases without revealing their original identities (instead, disguised names were used).


Findings
It was revealed that the women were the primary victims of such violence, particularly from their intimate partners (husbands). In most cases, such IPV, as reported by the interviewees, originated or increased after the pandemic when they were forced to stay at home, losing their partners' jobs or income sources.


Originality/value
The authors summarized the causes of IPV and put forward a few action recommendations based on the interviewees' practical experience and existing literature. This paper will open a new window for research investigations on IPV during emergencies such as Covid-19 outbreak.

Zehn Aufsätze über die geistigen Fundamente arabisch-islamischen Denkens auf historischer Basis, über die Bedeutung des Offenbarungstextes, Zentral- und Lokalmacht im historischen Islam, den Staatsbegriff, Legitimation von Herrschaft, Wissen und Macht. (DOI)

AbstractThe Third Dynasty of Ur was a highly bureaucratized, late 3rd millennium B.C.E. empire centering in southern Mesopotamia. Its state superstructure, known almost exclusively from many tens of thousands of looted cuneiform tablets, has long been studied. However, these sources deal only indirectly or not at all with the impacts of imperial rule on the great mass of the subject population. Drawing upon an earlier prosopographic study of animal husbandry for the single province and city of Umma, this article focuses on shepherds, the lowest level of the administration, as a means of penetrating that wall of silence. As interlocutors, needing to face and be credible in both directions, they become the basis for a more inclusive view of the nature of the Ur III state. Largely indifferent to the condition of its subjects and to the complex realities of the economic tasks imposed on them by heavy taxes and arduous corvée labor, the administrative elite emerges as not only repressive, but more narrowly extractive rather than broadly managerial in its intent and operations. The overriding focus in pursuit of which it was highly successful (although for less than a century), appears to have been the flow of resources that would enhance its own hegemony and well-being. La Troisième Dynastie d'Ur était un empire hautement bureaucratisé de la seconde moitié du 3^e millénaire avant l'ère chrétien, centré sur la Mésopotamie du sud. Sa superstructure étatique, connue presque exclusivement grâce à des dizaines de milliers de tablettes cunéiformes pillés, a été longuement étudiée. Toutefois, ces sources ne portent pratiquement sur l'impact qu'avait l'autorité impériale sur la population assujettie. Puisant dans une étude prosopographique antérieure sur l'élevage dans la seule province et ville d'Umma, cet article concerne les bergers, personnages situés au niveau le plus bas de l'administration, dont l'étude doit permettre de percer ce mur de silence. En tant qu'interlocuteurs crédibles tournés à la fois vers le bas comme vers le haut, ils peuvent fournir les bases d'une image plus globale de l'état d'Ur III. Il ressort l'image d'une élite administrative plus ou moins indifférente aux conditions des sujets et aux réalités complexes des taches économiques qui leur sont imposés par des impôts importants et des corvées pénibles ; elle était non seulement répressive mais animée par des intentions et des opérations plus extractives que managerielles. L'essentiel du fonctionnement étatique, poursuivi avec beaucoup de succès (bien que pendant moins d'un siècle), semble avoir été d'assurer un flux de ressources à même d'augmenter sa propre hégémonie et bien-être.