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This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.

This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.

This article traces the history of Australian peacekeeping since its beginnings in September 1947. It shows that, while there have always been Australian peacekeepers in the field since 1947, the level of commitment in different periods has varied greatly. The article sets out to explain this phenomenon, chiefly in political terms. It argues that Australia's early involvement in the invention of peacekeeping owed much to External Affairs Minister H.V. Evatt's interest in multilateralism, but that under the subsequent conservative Menzies government a new focus on alliance politics produced mixed results in terms of peacekeeping commitments. By contrast, in the 1970s and early 1980s, for different reasons Prime Ministers Whitlam and Fraser pursued policies which raised Australia's peacekeeping profile. After a lull in the early years of the Hawke Labor government, the arrival of internationalist Gareth Evans as Foreign Minister signalled a period of intense peacekeeping activity by Australia. For different, regionally-focused reasons, Australia was again active in peacekeeping in the late 1990s and early 2000s. In recent years, however, Australia's heavy commitment to Middle East wars has reduced its peacekeeping contribution once again to a low level.

Once widely regarded as the workers greatest hope for a better world, the ALP today would rather project itself as a responsible manager of Australian capitalism. Labor's Conflict provides an insightful account of the transformations in the Party's policies, performance and structures since its formation. Seasoned political analysts, Tom Bramble and Rick Kuhn offer an incisive appraisal of the Party's successes and failures, betrayals and electoral triumphs in terms of its competing ties with bosses and workers. The early chapters outline diverse approaches to understanding the nature of the Party and then assess the ALP's evolution in response to major social upheavals and events, from the strikes of the 1890s, through two World Wars, the Great Depression, and the post-war boom. The records of the Whitlam, Hawke, Keating, Rudd and Gillard governments are then dissected in detail. The compelling conclusion offers alternatives to the Australian Labor Party, for those interested in progressive change

The visit of the Australian Labour Party (ALP) delegation to China in July this year provided an interesting and representative example of Chinese diplomacy in action.* Although the ALP is in opposition, the delegation was dealt with by China as the representatives of a possible future Australian government, and its leader, Gough Whitlam, as the alternative Australian Prime Minister. The discussions were pitched accordingly. The visit also had some general relevance because of the importance China now attaches to relations with "small" powers, including countries like Australia (which see themselves rather as middle powers); indeed, China's new diplomatic contacts with such powers illustrate the whole thrust of China's global diplomacy in 1971. The Australian case is interesting also because in Australia, as in the United States and a number of other countries, the "China problem" has been such a central issue in foreign policy that it has spilled over into a complex involvement in domestic politics.

In Fear of Abandonment, expert and insider Allan Gyngell tells the story of how Australia has shaped the world and been shaped by it since it established an independent foreign policy during the dangerous days of 1942. Gyngell argues that the fear of being abandoned - originally by Britain, and later by our most powerful ally, the United States - has been an important driver of how Australia acts in the world. Spanning events as diverse as the Malayan Emergency, the White Australia Policy, the Vietnam War, Whitlam in China, apartheid in South Africa, East Timorese independence and the current South China Sea dispute, this vivid narrative history reveals how Australia has evolved as a nation on the world stage. Fear of Abandonment is a gripping and authoritative account of the way Australians and their governments have helped create the world we now inhabit in the twenty-first century. In revealing the history of Australian foreign affairs, it lays the foundation for how it should change

Most political memoirs are boring. Bob Carr tears up the rules. He plunges in, beginning with the despair of a young man pining for a political career, convinced he's going nowhere, then vaulting to the exhilaration of a premier who, on one day, saves a vast forest and unveils the country's best curriculum. He lashes himself for ignoring a cry from a prisoner in a cell and for a breach of protocol with a US Supreme Court judge. He considers talking to the leader of a notorious rape gang and celebrates winning power against the odds: a leader without kids or any interest in sport. He describes growing up in a fibro house without sewerage and a 'lousy education' that produced a lifetime appetite for self-learning. He is candid about dealing with the media, dining with royals, working for Kerry Packer. He reveals the secrets he learnt from Neville Wran. He is open about his adulation of Gough Whitlam. Floating above all is Bob Carr's idea of public service in a party, he says, that resembles an old, scarred, barnacled whale. In an era of bland politicians, here's one with personality true to his quirky self. Silence the jet skis! Balance the budget! Liberate the dolphins! Roll out the toll roads! Declare a million hectares of eucalypt wilderness! Be a politician of character. All author proceeds from this book are donated to help the children displaced by the Syrian civil war by funding humanitarian aid through the registered charity Australia for UNHCR.

In 1999 The Whitlams, a popular 'indie' band named after a former Australian prime minister whose government was controversially sacked in 1975 by the Governor-General, released a single titled 'Blow up the Pokies'. Written about a former band member's fatal attraction to electronic gaming machines (henceforth referred to as 'pokies'), the song was mixed by a top LA producer, a decision that its writer and The Whitlam's front-man, Tim Freedman, describes as calculated to 'get it on big, bombastic commercial radio'. The investment paid off and the song not only became a big hit for the band, it developed a legacy beyond the popular music scene, with Freedman invited to write the foreword of a 'self-help manual for giving up gambling' as well as appearing on public affairs television shows to discuss the issue of problem gambling. The lyrics of 'Blow up the Pokies' frame the central themes of this article: spaces, technologies and governmentality of gambling. It then explores what cultural articulations of resistance to the pokie lounge tell us about broader social and cultural dynamics of neoliberal governmentality in Australia.

As highlighted by Jennifer Taylor and James Connor in Architecture in theSouth Pacific: The Ocean of Islands (2014) and subsequently discussed by Philip Goad in "Importing Expertise: Australian-US Architects and the Large Scale 1945-1990," the exportation of Australian architectural "expertise" across the second half of the twentieth century was primarily driven by individual practices gaining private and institutional commissions in the Asia-Pacific region. Devised under the Gorton administration the "Australian Policy" however, would, for the first time, prioritise the appointment of Australian architects for overseas work at a government level, opening the doors for Australian architects to design diplomatic buildings for the government's extensive construction programme announced by Gough Whitlam in 1973.The employment of Australian architects to design government buildings abroad came to the fore in 1965 when the Royal Australian Institute of Architects and Robin Boyd lobbied for an Australian architect to replace the Brazilian architect, Henrique Mindlin, to design the new Australian Embassy in Brasilia. This paper will examine this episode of institutional exchange and its significance for the local architectural profession and its future involvement in the foreign building program of the Federal Government. It will link this activity to the formation of the "Australian Policy" and posit that while this internal government policy was significant in encouraging the exportation of Australian design it was also wielded as a political weapon by the Department of External Affairs to diminish the role of the Commonwealth Department of Works which also had the skills to successfully "export" Australian expertise to the world.

AUSTRALIA WENT TO THE POLLS ON 5 MARCH 1983 FOR THE SIXTH TIME IN JUST OVER 10 YEARS. AND IN AN ORDERLY, UNEXCITING ELECTION THEY THREW OUT MALCOLM FRASER'S SEVEN-YEAR-OLD LIBERAL COALITION GOVERNMENT AND GAVE THE AUSTRALIAN LABOR PARTY ITS BEST CHANCE SINCE THE 1940S TO ESTABLISH ITSELF AS THE PARTY OF GOVERNMENT. THE BASIC EXPLANATION FOR THE CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT, WITH A 4 PER CENT SWING FROM 1980, PROBABLY LIES IN THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY. AUSTRALIA IS A DEEPLY GROWTH-ORIENTED COUNTRY AND THE SURGING ADVANCES OF THE 1950S AND 1960S CAME TO A HALT WITH THE WORLD DEPRESSION AT THE END OF THE 1970S. BY 1982 THE OECD PUT AUSTRALIA AT THE BOTTOM OF ITS LEAGUE TABLE FOR INFLATION AND FOR STAGNATION AND IT LOOKED AS IF IT WOULD SOON BE AT THE BOTTOM FOR UNEMPLOYMENT. 'IN BAD TIMES, THROW THE RASCALS OUT' IS A FAMILIAR ADAGE. IN SOME COUNTRIES, NOTABLY BRITAIN, OBSERVERS CLAIM THAT THERE IS A NEW AWARENESS OF HOW MUCH BAD TIMES ARE DUE TO EXTERNAL CIRCUMSTANCES AND OF HOW LITTLE POLITICIANS CAN DO; THIS COULD TURN THE ADAGE UPSIDE DOWN. MR FRASER'S ADVISERS HOPED THAT HE WOULD BE SAVED BY POPULAR SCEPTICISM ABOUT THE LABOR PARTY AND ITS LEADER. BUT HIS RUBBISHING OF HIS OPPONENTS MAY HAVE PROVED COUNTER-PRODUCTIVE: AFTER ALL, THE LABOR TEAM, FAR MORE THAN WHEN GOUGH WHITLAM WON IN 1972, WAS MADE UP OF PRUDENT, MODERATE MEN WHO WERE NOT GOING TO FRIGHTEN EVEN THE CAUTIOUS CONSERVATIVE VOTERS OF AUSTRALIA.

The House of Representatives election of 2 December, 1972, was a watershed in Australian political history. That election saw the Australian Labor Party terminate the Liberal–Country Party (LCP) Coalition's twenty‐three‐year hegemony and bring to office not only a different type of Labor government but a different prime ministerial style in leader Gough Whitlam. Yet, just six years before, Labor at the 1966 election had suffered a 4.30 per cent two‐party preferred (2PP) swing and the loss of nine seats following Labor's lowest primary vote since 1934. Labor's dramatic reversal of fortunes in just six years therefore remains of enormous historical interest. But, given the 1972 election saw a modest 2.5 per cent 2PP swing to Labor, with the party seizing twelve seats from the Coalition and losing four back to the LCP, the 1969–72 triennium offers little insight into Labor's recovery. In that context, this article, via analyses of House of Representatives election results and public opinion poll data, explores the chronology, demography, and geography of Labor's electoral recovery to argue the 1966–69 triennium remains of far greater value when identifying exactly when, among whom, and where Labor began its pathway to power.

Since 1901, thirty different leaders have run the national show. Whether their term was eight days or eighteen years, each prime minister has a story worth sharing. Edmund Barton united the bickering states in a federation. The unlucky Jimmy Scullin took office days before Wall Street crashed into the Great Depression. John Curtin faced the ultimate challenge of wartime leadership. John Gorton, Gough Whitlam and Paul Keating each shook up their parties' policies so vigorously that none lasted much longer than a single term. Harold Holt spent three decades in parliament, only to disappear while swimming off the coast of Victoria two years into his first term. John Howard's 'triple bypass' is the stuff of legend. Julia Gillard overthrew Kevin Rudd and Kevin Rudd overthrew Julia Gillard, thus paving the way for Tony Abbott, who was ousted by Malcolm Turnbull until he too was toppled, this time by Scott Morrison. But is Australia's thirty-first prime minister just around the corner? With characteristic wit and expert knowledge, Mungo MacCallum brings the nation's leaders to life in this fully up-to-date new edition of a classic book

When Gough Whitlam appointed Elizabeth Reid in 1973, she was the first Women's Adviser to a head of government anywhere. But the idea took off quickly across Australia. Between 1976 and 1986 all seven Australian states and territories appointed women's advisers. In South Australia, in April 1976 the influential, reforming ALP Premier Don Dunstan appointed Deborah McCulloch as his Women's Adviser; the third appointed at the state level following Victoria and Tasmania. This article draws on oral history interviews with McCulloch to assess what being South Australia's first Women's Adviser meant; and what both McCulloch and Dunstan considered her (and his) major achievements. It also looks briefly at several key women in Dunstan's life who influenced his views. If Dunstan was slow to prioritize women's rights, in some areas, such as the 1975 Sex Discrimination Act, SA led the way and the Commonwealth followed in 1984. Dunstan came to see women's rights as 'the challenge of social democracy,' whereas McCulloch took great satisfaction in improving women's lives. McCulloch went beyond her brief to focus on the public service, to provide innovative social services to all women. We can see too the significance of networking amongst femocrats, particularly among women's advisers. ; This work was supported by Australian Research Council [grant number DP140100810] 'Don Dunstan and political and social'.

Book reviewed in this article:FEDERALISM & RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT: The Australian Case. Peter Drysdale and Hirofumi Shibata (Eds.).SERPENT'S TOOTH: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NOVEL. By Roger Milliss.POOR NATION OF THE PACIFIC‐AUSTRALIA'S FUTURE? Papers read at the 50th National Conference of the Australian Institute of Political Science. Edited by Jocelynne A. ScuttCLASS CONSCIOUSNESS IN AUSTRALIA. By Chris Chamberlain.BRITAIN, THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES, AND THE SUDAN CAMPAIGNS OF 1884–85. By Malcolm Saunders.POZIÈRES 1916—AUSTRALIANS ON THE SOMME. By Peter Charlton.THE WHITLAM GOVERNMENT 1972–1975. By Gough Whitlam.FREDERIC EGGLESTON: AN INTELLECTUAL IN AUSTRALIAN POLITICS. By Warren Osmond.THE WORKING CLASS AND WELFARE. Reflections on the Political Development of the Welfare State in Australia and New Zealand, 1890–1980. By Francis G. Castles.CONFESSIONS OF A NEW BOY. By Donald Horne.THE ANZAC CONNECTION. Edited by Desmond Ball.PRISONERS OF WAR: AUSTRALIANS UNDER NIPPON. By Hank Nelson.THE BJELKE‐PETERSEN PREMIERSHIP 1968–1983: ISSUES IN PUBLIC POLICY. Edited by Allan Patience.ARGUING THE ARTS: The Funding of the Arts in Australia. By Tim Rowse.BRITAIN, AMERICA AND THE SINEWS OF WAR, 1914–1918. By Kathleen Burk.THE PACIFIC WAR. By John Costello.YOUTH IN CHINA. By Beverley Hooper.CHINA AT THE CENTER, 300 YEARS OF FOREIGN POLICY. By Mark Mancall.POPULIST NATIONALISM IN PREWAR JAPAN: A Biography of Nakano Seigō. By Leslie Russell Oates.VIETNAM, A REPORTER'S WAR. By Hugh LunnNATION‐BUILDING IN MALAYSIA, 1964–1974. By James P. OngkiliTHE MURDEROUS REVOLUTION: LIFE & DEATH IN POL POT'S KAMPUCHEA. By Martin Stuart‐Fox and Bunheang Ung.LA BIRMANIE OU LA QUÊTE DE L'UNITÉ. Le problème de la cohésion nalionalc dans la Birmanie contemporaine el sa perspective historique. By Pierre Fistié.PUBLIC POLICY AND POLICY ANALYSIS IN INDIA. By R.S. Ganapthy, S.R. Ganesh, Rushikesh M. Maru, Samuel Paul, and Ram Mohan RaoSTATE AND SOCIETY IN CONTEMPORARY BRITAIN: A CRITICAL INTRODUCTION. Edited by Gregor McLellan, David Held and Stuart Hall.THE SCAREMONGERS: THE ADVOCACY OF WAR AND REARMAMENT 1896–1914. By A. J. A. Morris.BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE AGE OF WALPOLE. By Jeremy Black.BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY PARTIES, 1742–1832: From the Fall of Walpole to the First Reform Act. By B. W. Hill.IRELAND: A POSITIVE PROPOSAL. By Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden.COLONIAL ULSTER: THE SETTLEMENT OF EAST ULSTER 1600–1641. By Raymond Gillespie.POLITICS AND RURAL SOCIETY. THE SOUTHERN MASSIF CENTRAL c. 1750–1880. By P. M. Jones.THE WORKING CLASS IN WEIMAR GERMANY: A Psychological and Sociological Study. By Erich Fromm.THE PEOPLE'S REFORMATION: MAGISTRATES, CLERGY, AND COMMONS IN STRASBOURG, 1500–1598. By Lorna Jane Abray.THE ALTERNATIVE CULTURE: Socialist Labour in Imperial Germany. By Vernon L. Litdke.POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN SOVIET UKRAINE, 1953–1980. By Borys Lewytzkyj.THE STALINIST LEGACY. Edited by Toriq Ali.LEBANON: THE FRACTURED COUNTRY. By David Gilmour.CAPITAL, LABOUR AND THE MIDDLE CLASSES. By Nicholas Abercrombie and John Urry.COMMUNISM AND DEVELOPMENT. By Robert Bideleux.ROOM FOR MANOEUVRE. An Exploration of Public Policy in Agriculture and Rural Development. Edited by E. J. Clay and B. B. Schaffer.THE COURT SOCIETY. By Norbert Elias. Trans. E. Jephcott.PERSPECTIVES ON ORGANISATIONAL CHANGE: LESSONS FROM EDUCATION. Edited by Murray Frazer, Jeffrey Dunstan and Philip Creed.POLITICAL SCIENCE: THE STATE OF THE DISCIPLINE. Edited by Ada W. Finifter.DEMOCRATIC ENTERPRISE: A Policy Proposal for the Labour Movement. By R. G. B. Fyffe.RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN EARLY MODERN EUROPE, 1500–1800. Edited by Kaspar von Greyerz for the German Historical Institute.THE DEMOCRATIC ECONOMY. A NEW LOOK AT PLANNING, MARKETS AND POWER. By Geoff HodgsonTHE BRITISH MARXIST HISTORIANS: an Introductory Analysis. By Harvey J. Kaye.FROM MARX TO LENIN. An Evaluation of Marx's Responsibility for Soviet Authoritarianism. By David W. Lovell.HAROLD D. LASSWELL AND THE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. By Derek McDougall.ARISTOCRACY. By Jonathon Powis.EDUCATE, AGITATE, ORGANISE. 100 YEARS OF FABIAN SOCIALISM. By Patricia Pugh.NEW DIRECTIONS IN EUROPEAN HISTORIOGRAPHY. Revised edition. By George G. Iggers.PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY: Essays on the Historiography of Philosophy. Edited by Richard Rorty, J. B. Schneewind, and Quentin Skinner.INCOMES AND POLICY. By Ian ManningDISORGANISED CAPITALISM. By Clans Offe.THIRD PARTIES IN AMERICA: CITIZEN RESPONSE TO MAJOR PARTY FAILURE. By Steven J. Rosenstone, Roy L. Behr, Edward H. Lazarus.HUNGER AND HISTORY. By R. I. Rotberg and T. K. Rabb (eds).LANGUAGE AND POLITICS. Edited by Michael Shapiro.MEN AND CITIZENS: A STUDY OF ROUSSEAU'S SOCIAL THEORY. By Judith N. Shklar.NEW NATIONALISMS OF THE DEVELOPED WEST: TOWARDS EXPLANATION. Edited by Edward A. Tiryakian and Ronald Rogowski.FIRST AMONG EQUALS: Prime Ministers in Westminster Systems. By Patrick Weller.