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AbstractIn this article, I explore the spatial politics of the Royal Indian Navy mutiny of 1946 and call for a more maritime sense of 'the political'. The RIN only existed from 1934 to 1950; it became the Indian Navy after independence. Its mutiny in 1946, which was caused by a number of grievances from anticolonial nationalism to more mundane challenges about the standard of food, continues to be the dominant event in this history. Leela Gandhi (2014) used the RIN mutiny to challenge the binary distinction between elite and subaltern in much Indian historiography by depicting it as an 'anti‐colonial counterpublic', or space in which discourses other than the dominant nationalist framings of independence were mobilized. She also regards the mutiny as a potential example of inconsequential ethics in which, instead of worrying about its causes, the mutiny can be read as an experimental space in which democratic politics occurred, rather than one in which people were striving for a 'successful' outcome. I argue that, while there is much to be admired in Gandhi's reading of these events, she discounts the maritime nature of the RIN mutiny. In other words, she fails to acknowledge that travelling to different international locations allowed the sailors to learn about democracy and other ideas, which in turn influenced their beliefs about what the future of India, and the RIN, should look like. As a result, I argue for the need to explore in greater depth the important connections that exist between anti‐colonialism, democratic politics and the naval/maritime experience.

This paper argues that where appropriations or invocations of the past have contributed to projects of social and political change, they have usually done so with little or no recourse to the historical past. Instead, activists and campaigners have used various forms of vernacular past-talk to unsettle those temporary fixings of 'common sense' that limit thinking about current political and social problems. The example of such past-talk discussed here is the work of the art-activist collective REPOhistory, which sought between 1989 and 2000 to disrupt the symbolic patterning of New York's official and homogenized public memory culture by making visible ('repossessing') overlooked and repressed episodes from the city's past. In effect, they challenged the ways in which history's dominance of past-talk within the public sphere was constituted by exclusions of subjects on grounds of gender, ethnicity and socio-economic status. REPOhistory fused politically-engaged art practices with Walter Benjamin's belief in the redemptive potential of dialectical encounters between past and present. To assess the value of their art-as-activism projects ("artivism"), this article will situate REPOhistory's practices within a frame of ideas provided by Benjamin, Jacques Derrida, Ernesto Laclau, and Chantal Mouffe. In a series of street sign installations that mixed visual art, urban activism, social history, and radical pedagogy, REPOhistory exemplified why the past is too important to be trusted to professional historians. Keywords: activism, agonistic politics, counterpublic, hegemony, installation, past-talk, street signs

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Figures and Table -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Material and Spatial Constitution of DIY Communities in the United States -- Discovering DIY America -- Do It Yourself: Methods, Ethics, and Communities -- Theoretical Framework: Place/Space, Materiality/Discourse, and Social Intimacy -- Methodology: Living and Touring With American DIY Participants -- The Lack of Space: From Bars to Houses -- Notes -- Part I Physical Place and Social Space of DIY Music Venues in the United States -- 1 Physical Place and DIY House Shows in the United States -- Introduction -- Experiencing a DIY House Show -- Physicality of DIY Show Houses, and Its Relation to Music and Social Experiences -- Recontextualization of Musical Sound and Experience Through Place -- Subversion of Normative Spatiality of DIY Houses -- Socio-spatial Musical Interactions at DIY House Shows -- Relationship Between DIY Venues, Sound, and Community -- Conclusions -- Notes -- 2 Social Space and DIY Venues in the United States -- Introduction -- History of Punk and DIY Socio-Spatial Tactics in the United States -- Between DIY Discourse and DIY Socio-Spatial Practice -- DIY Door and Programming Policies -- DIY Safer Space Policies -- Notes -- 3 Private and Public Aspects of DIY Spaces and Shows -- Private, Public, and Counterpublic: A Theory -- Genealogy of the Private-Public Dimension of American DIY House Shows -- American DIY Counterpublics -- The House and DIY Publicness -- The Body and DIY Publicness -- The Scene and DIY Publicness -- Conclusions -- Notes -- Part II Geographic Place and DIY Venues and Scenes in the United States -- Introduction -- 4 Small College-Town DIY Scenes: Davis and Olympia -- Coops, Students, and Radio-People: Davis DIY Scene -- Culture of Commons: Olympia DIY Scene.

Twitter has pushed public opinion on foreign policy into partisan bubbles that often value alternative media sources over traditional media or political elites. Public opinion on China is no exception. On the left, some alternative media outlets support China as a socialist ideal, while others criticize it as a key player in global capitalism and neoliberal order. This leads to an important puzzle: How and why do some transnational left media disseminate pro-China messaging while others do not? We focus on two leftist alternative media outlets: the Qiao Collective and Lausan. Both organizations claim to offer a variety of counter-hegemonic-oriented discourses. We first qualitatively analyze the differences in how these two organizations frame key topics in contemporary Chinese politics including Uyghurs in Xinjiang and the Hong Kong protests. We then use quantitative social network analysis to show how their communication efforts lead to different follower audiences. In the last step, we analyze what issues the Qiao Collective is using to achieve its inward- and outward-oriented goals. Our study shows how both outlets focus on the transnational left, but each reaches distinct audiences that do not overlap. We find that the Qiao Collective jumps on traditional left-wing issues in the US to extend its reach while regularly posting positive, often revisionist perspectives about Chinese politics. This specific element conflicts with its claim of supporting anti-imperialist and pro-democracy politics and distinguishes the Qiao Collective from other transnational left outlets.

This article examines naming as a discursive performance deployed by antiracist feminists in Brazil. I analyze tweets referencing the names of three Black Brazilian women intellectuals: Marielle Franco, Lélia González and Djamila Ribeiro, seeking to unearth the way in which their names help to build counterpublic spaces of resistance involving notions of citizenship, belonging and democracy. Using platform studies and Critical Technocultural Discourse Analysis as a theoretical frame, I perform different operations of computational textual analysis to map most frequent users referenced and hashtags used, as well as most relevant topics. I conclude that naming grants a powerful role in building counterpublics' identities, helping to constitute alternative intellectual traditions in Brazil. Linking a social media post with a name to a collective mobilization serves to establish and maintain cultural identity, combining ephemerality with a continuing legacy. ; O artigo examina o nomear como performance discursiva desenvolvida pelo feminismo antirracista no Brasil. Analiso tuítes referenciando o nome de três intelectuais mulheres negras: Marielle Franco, Lélia González e Djamila Ribeiro, apontando para o modo como seus nomes ajudam a construir espaços contrapúblicos de resistência, incorporando noções de cidadania, pertencimento e democracia. Usando como marco teórico os Estudos de Plataformas e a Análise Crítica Tecnocultural do Discurso, o trabalho desenvolve diferentes operações de análise textual computacional, mapeando usuários mais referenciados e hashtags mais utilizados, assim como tópicos mais relevantes. Como conclusão, argumento que nomear possui um papel fundamental na construção das identidades dos contrapúblicos, ajudando a constituir tradições intelectuais alternativas no Brasil. Associar um post das redes sociais com um nome e uma mobilização coletiva contribui para estabelecer e manter identidades culturais, combinando o caráter efêmero com um legado permanente.

Introduction: Digital media as sites of resistance, activism, and communication 1.Queer Cuarentena and "Mandinga Times": Rita Indiana, Caribbean Artivism, and LGBTQ+ Social Media Spheres During COVID-19: Ruthie Meadows2.Online Discourse Framing of LGBTQIA+ Student Activism in the Philippines: Jonalou S. Labor and Ma. Rosel S. San Pascual3.Take a Look Inside: Exploring Closets as Fingerprints of the Queer Community: Pooja (Jo) Krishnakumar4."NOT ALL BLACK GUYS ARE TOPS": Pushing back against racist sexual stereotypes surrounding the Black male body on gay dating apps. Roy Celaire5.Alighting on the Digital: Trans Migrant Testimonios: Lydia Huerta Moreno 6.Examining the Iranian LGBTQ Counterpublics on Instagram: Niloofar Hooman7.Negotiating the Non-negotiable: Debating transgender issues on Chinese social media: Songyin Liu8.Queer Marketing, Who Is It Really For? Identifying a Strategy for Authentic Approaches to LGBTQ+ Branded Messages: Becky Parsons and Mildred F. Perreault9.New Channels in Trans Activism: Lubunya Digital Cultures in Turkey: Esra Ozban 10.Queering the Social: Facebook groups and the Indian Queer Counterpublic: Sreyoshi Dey11.Theorizing Cultures of Oversharing on TikTok: Kailyn Slater 12.Her Phallic Sword: Hypersexual Cyberqueer Activism on Social Media Platforms: Matthew Hester13.Feminists against Same-Sex Marriage: Queer counterpublics in a contested digital space: Yidong (Steven) Wang14.#Shadowbanned: Queer, Trans, and Disabled Creator Responses to Algorithmic Oppression on TikTok: Jessica Sage Rauchberg 15.Bangladesh's Invisible Cyberqueers: Self-image, identity management, and erotic expressions on Grindr: Nur E Makbul and Md. Ashraful Goni16.How Queer is Sex Education? Analyzing its Non-Normative Gender Identities and Forbidden Fantasies: Lucia Gloria Vázquez-Rodriguez, Francisco A. Zurian and Francisco José García-Ramos.17.LGBTQ2S Across Canada: CBC YouTube Discourse: matthew heinz18.Not a Phase (Nor for Your Gaze): Resistive Audiovisual Aesthetics and Practices in Cyberqueer Spaces: Samantha McEwan

Introduction : civil rights sit-ins and the rhetoric of protest / Sean Patrick O'Rourke & Leslie K. Pace -- Liminal protest : Eleanor Roosevelt's "sit-between" at the 1938 Southern Conference for Human Welfare / Melody Lehn -- "Our boys, our bonds, our brothers" : Pauli Murray and the Washington, D.C., sit-ins, 1943-1944 / David Miguel Molina -- Lunch counters and the public sphere : the St. Louis sit-in as an emerging counterpublic / Joshua D. Phillips -- From "dead wrong" to civil rights history : the Durham Royal Seven, Martin Luther King's 1960 "Fill up the jails" speech, and the rhetoric of visibility / Victoria J. Gallagher, Kenneth S. Zagacki & Jeffrey C. Swift -- The Nashville sit-ins : successful nonviolent direct action through rhetorical invention and advocacy / Judith D. Hoover -- Reading bodies, reading books : a rhetorical history of the 1960 Greenville, South Carolina, sit-ins / Sean Patrick O'Rourke -- Nothing new for Easter : rhetoric, collective action, and the Louisville sit-in movement / Stephen Schneider -- Suffer the little children : propriety and piety in the 1963 Birmingham, Alabama youth demonstrations for civil rights / Roseann M. Mandziuk -- The mustard man and the students' stand : analyzing images from the 1963 Jackson sit-in / William H. Lawson -- From sitting in to sitting out : Gloria Richardson and the 1963 Cambridge movement / Lindsay Harroff -- Wade in the water : African American and local news accounts of the 1964 Monson Motor Lodge swim-in / Rebecca Bridges Watts -- Televisuality and the performance of citizenship on NBC's "Sit-in" / Marilyn DeLaure -- Forgetting the 1960 Biloxi, Mississippi, wade-ins : collective memory, forgetting, and the politics of remembering protest / Casey Malone Maugh Funderburk & Wendy Atkins-Sayre -- Visualizing a civil rights archive : images of the sit-in at the counter and other objects / Diana I. Bowen -- Direct action, then and now : comparing the sit-ins and Occupy Wall Street / Jason Del Gandio -- The longest sit-in / David Worthington -- Afterword : chiseling at a fossilized memory : connections, questions, and implications / Keith D. Miller.

Introduction. Are there safe spaces for the construction of online communities with diverse gender identities and sexual desires? What makes some online spaces safer than others? And for whom? Does the architecture of these spaces influence the ways in which users navigate the Internet? Methodology. To address these questions, we conducted a digital ethnography on a social media platform oriented towards the Spanish-speaking crossdresser community. Findings and analysis. Our analysis suggests that this platform acts as a digital counterpublic, as it allows users to inhabit a safe environment for self-expression, building support networks, organizing as a collective, and articulating their sexual intimacies. Based on these findings, we infer that online safety and agency are closely interrelated, the latter being a result of the first. In addition, we found that the concept of online safety should be evaluated on a case-by-case basis, in accordance with the feminist perspective, where online safety is always construed in a situated manner and conceives the subjects of study as active agents involved in the definition of the concept itself. Ethical considerations. The research process raised ethical questions of great relevance to the conclusions of this study, suggesting that the same factors to be considered when conducting research in digital platforms should be contemplated when designing and navigating online safe spaces. We thus propose that, both in carrying out online qualitative research and in the construction of online safe spaces, the following aspects should be taken into consideration: the implications of the privacy settings offered by the platform, the vulnerability of the users that populate it, the sensitivity of the topics covered by the platform's community and, last but not least, an ongoing negotiation and reaffirmation of consent in the utilization of the users' personal data.

In Russia, the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) community continues to exist under the pressure of stigmatizing invisibility in the general public discourse, particularly in the mainstream media, which ignore issues related to the advancement of human rights for sexual minorities. In 2013 a nationwide ban on "the propaganda of sodomy, lesbianism, bisexualism, and transgenderness among minors" was passed. Designed to broadly cover any non-heterosexual relationships, it prohibits their positive representation. In effect, the ban seriously impedes any public campaigns, in media and otherwise, which aim at the support of the LGBT community. In this situation, the internet, still relatively unrestricted when compared to Russia's traditional media outlets, remains a privileged space for LGBT people to form communities to participate in a meaningful public conversation about their political and social status as well as to discuss a variety of everyday concerns in a fairly non-hostile environment. The present study focuses on a specific case, which is a LiveJournal-based Russian-language blogging community called AntiDogma. A loosely organized grassroots gathering of internet users, AntiDogma is conceived of as an issue public centered on LGBT- related topics and as a counterpublic sphere which positions itself against the dominant public sphere and the hostile discourses it hosts. This dissertation is primarily informed by the theory of the public sphere and considerations about the social functions of the mass media. It set out to analyze a versatile functionality of the AntiDogma blogging community including information and news producing function, function of deliberative community building, and mobilization and coordination function. A case-study approach allowed the examination of AntiDogma in its context, together with the accompanying political and social processes. Textual analysis along the lines of social constructivism captured discourses, themes, and messages communicated in AntiDogma. The ...

The current historical moment is marked by extreme forms of racialized violence, antiblackness, and political repression on the one hand, and a surge of highly-energized, highly-visible race-specific forms of political and racialized resistance on the other. Situated within the contradictions, tensions, and possibilities of the times, several exclusively Black counterpublics have emerged in the San Francisco Bay Area in the form of intentional all-Black classes, spatially situated within a larger school. These spaces provide an exceptional opportunity to explore the transformative potential of spaces that eschew theories of a colorblind, post-race society and confront race and racialization directly. To this end, I utilize BlackCrit (Dumas & ross, 2016), Fraser's (1990) subaltern counterpublic, and hooks' (1990) notion of homeplaces and the margin, to theorize about what I call, Black educational sovereign spaces, intentional all-Black counterpublics constructed within the context of multi-racial/ethnic, diverse school settings for the purpose of supporting Black students in racially-specific ways. Drawing on interviews with Black girl students and a Black woman educator, and classroom observations, this study explores one distinct Black educational sovereign space: An all Black, all female, young women's studies class at a public high school in an urban district in Northern California. This manuscript constructs an ethnographic case study that explores both the ways Black girls are racialized and hypersexualized in schools, and also, the numerous ways their production of Black Girl Space facilitates a reimagining of a Black girl identity, and the development of a radical Black subjectivity. This work contributes a theorization of Black space in education and findings have implications for our understanding of the ways purposefully constructed Black educational sovereign spaces can serve to mitigate students' racialized experiences and facilitate students' construction of identities that reimagine problematic notions of blackness that confront them in society and in school.

AbstractOne of the largest urban centers in the world, the Brazilian city of São Paulo is characterized by high levels of socio‐economic inequality and political polarization, significantly complicating issues of urban governance. Despite being designed to partially address these problems, São Paulo's participatory budget (PB) was bounded by its urban context, institutional design and the relative strength of the political actors involved. The article analyzes a mechanism created within the PB to incorporate historically disadvantaged groups, or 'socially vulnerable segments', during the Workers' Party administration of 2001–04. The segments methodology constitutes an intriguing example of how affirmative action can be used to improve decision‐making processes and address social exclusion in urban contexts. In particular, the segments served as a 'counterpublic' within the PB, helping activists representing the segments to develop strategies influencing the city's urban and social policy.Résumé L'un des plus grands centres urbains du monde, São Paulo au Brésil, se caractérise par des niveaux élevés d'inégalité socio‐économique et de polarisation politique, ce qui complique considérablement les enjeux de la gouvernance urbaine. Bien que conçu en partie pour traiter ces problèmes, le budget participatif appliquéà São Paulo était contraint par son contexte urbain, son modèle institutionnel et la puissance relative des acteurs politiques impliqués. L'article analyse un mécanisme créé au sein du système de budget participatif dans le but d'intégrer des groupes traditionnellement désavantagés, ou 'segments socialement vulnérables', pendant l'administration municipale du Parti des Travailleurs de 2001 à 2004. La méthodologie des segments constitue une illustration intéressante de la manière dont une action antidiscriminatoire peut servir à améliorer des processus de décision et intervenir sur l'exclusion sociale dans des contextes urbains. Les segments ont notamment agi en 'contre‐public' dans le budget participatif, aidant les militants qui représentaient les segments àélaborer des stratégies visant à influencer les politiques urbaines et sociales de la ville.

LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the social practice of queer film culture. They are places where social, political and economic discourses intersect and where LGBT/Q identities, representation through film, definitions of queer cinema, community and global queer politics are negotiated. The festivals themselves are constantly responding to the changing surroundings and demands from stakeholders such as their audience base, the communities they want to serve, and economic and political stakeholders. The versatile, ever evolving form of the festival speaks to its performative formation. Therefore, the concepts of performativity, the performative and performance lend themselves to the analysis of the mechanisms and processes at play there. This study, situated at the intersection of film and media studies, sociology and queer theory, builds its arguments on the interdisciplinary field of film festival studies, and sets out to argue for the value of applying the concepts of the performative, performativity and performance to the study of film festivals in general, and LGBT/Q film festivals in particular. As the discussion of the concepts in chapter 1 show, the performative as developed by Austin in language philosophy and its further transposition to performativity in the theorizations of philosophy and literature by Derrida, for gender/queer theory by Butler, and performance for ethnography by Turner, and in theater/performance studies by Fischer-Lichte and McKenzie provides a versatile analytical arsenal for the analysis of film festivals. At the same time it is highly compatible with other existing concepts and theorizations such as event, public sphere, and networks and flows that have already been canonically applied to festival studies. In chapter 2, I mobilize the historical dimension of the performative to discuss the formation of LGBT/Q film festivals and their circuit. There, I sketch out the historical development of the LGBT/Q film festival while paying attention also to the larger social, political, geographic, and economic contexts. The discursive historiography is accompanied by an empirical one, where I analyze the growth pattern and global spread of the LGBT/Q film festival circuit. Along with the global perspective, a discussion of US-American (Frameline, NewFest, MIX NYC), German (Lesbisch Schwule Filmtage Hamburg, Verzaubert, Berlinale Teddy Award) and Austrian (identities) case studies provides further depth in understanding the evolution of the festivals and the circuit. Having drawn a broad picture of the circuit in chapter 3, I zoom in to look at a number of specific incidents of disruption and boycotts as case studies to unravel the different layers in which LGBT/Q film festivals as instances of queer film culture are performed (or failed). In this chapter I mobilize mainly perspectives of performativity and performance from ethnography and performance studies. These are put in synch with concepts such as public spheres, audience address, and event culture in three steps: selection, exhibition, and reception. Under the heading of selection, I discuss the performance of queer cinema as it becomes visible in the practices of selection of films and their programming at LGBT/Q film festivals. There I discuss various processes involved in programming, ranging from pre-selection, to screening committees, to programming strategies. Two historical incidents from the history of Frameline, the "Lesbian Riot" and the "Genderator" incident, serve as examples of how programming directly interrelates with identity negotiations. In the section on exhibition, I turn to the performative architecture of an LGBT/Q film festival by shedding light on the event itself, which follows specific scripts and rituals. In the last section on reception, I look at the corresponding side of these processes and look at the audience. Here, I discuss the formation of a counterpublic sphere, audience address, and the specific reception context of a festival. Two further festival boycotts are presented to analyze how LGBT/Q film festivals operate as queer counterpublic spheres that activists utilize for political intervention. The last section discusses the communal experience of collective viewing and the impact on the formation of a festival community. With this take on audiences, community and reception contexts, the chapter returns to the question of how LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the practices of queer film culture, which was raised in the introduction. In the concluding outlook to the study I propose three further research trajectories. While the study mostly relied on conceptions of performativity and performance in the sense developed in ethnography, gender/queer theory and performance studies, another aspect of performance can be productively brought to bear on the subject of (LGBT/Q) film festivals: performance in the economic sense of efficiency and achievement.

When, in the wake of September 11, 2001, a new military imperialism took hold in the U. S. the New York-based American artist Silvia Kolbowski reflected on the limits and possibilities of a counterpublic sphere, and asked how an artist might respond. What form should a work of art take when, despite the proliferation of WMD and neoliberalism's monstrous dominance, citizens continue to move in passive compliance with the whims of an authoritarian state? In contrast to progressives whom the artist has observed so often dismiss the psychical dimensions of state violence, Kolbowski in 2003 decided to confront the aggression that seized the American public in the aftermath of national trauma. Her response, an installation titled Proximity to Power: American Style (2003–04), which is the subject of this thesis, would take shape in the months following the U.S. invasion of Iraq, to be exhibited for the first time between September 17th and November 11th, 2004, at Secession, Vienna. Belonging to a group of recent production that included her celebrated an inadequate history of conceptual art (1998–99), Kolbowski's installation assumed the task of examining this war, and specifically as a pathology of masculine power. With a methodology informed by an artistic inheritance aligned with the leftist politics of May 1968, the artist, this study argues, interrogated the subject formed in a moment that witnessed an intense identification with a wounded empire, one reiterating the traumatic heritage of permanent war. Over the years, Kolbowski's interlocutors have accounted for her recourse to psychoanalytic feminism since its emergence three decades earlier within postmodernism and poststructuralism, linking her ethnographic art to Mary Kelly as her most important peer and predecessor. If this moment witnessed the restoration of the war subject to a position of heroic mastery, Proximity to Power then repudiated that hegemonic militant discourse, drawing from the critical projects of earlier moments that sought to decenter the Cartesian subject. By doing so, the artist gave focus to what was one of the most striking features of the Iraq War, this, its Oedipal logic, and further, by harnessing the noninstrumentalizing ambitions of montage, she did so allegorically, and in multiple ways. Among them Kolbowski staged images and sounds derived from interviews conducted with the primary source material for the project, in this case, a group of boys and men, whom she questioned about the nature of masculine power. And as the world ignited in collective protest against empire's latest claims for territorial expansion, she also reminded visitors that the Iraq War is inextricably, but also conditionally tied to wars past.

This dissertation explores the concept of Actually Existing Democracy in the transnational public sphere through the experiences of the Coalfields Delegation to the United Nations Commission for Sustainable Development (UNCSD). In particular, this research examines the differential impacts of energy extraction on local communities, and what the term justice might usefully mean in the context of transnational energy politics. I provide an account of justice that engages with the theories of Nancy Fraser and Pierre Bourdieu and mines their insights to provide a novel intervention in debates about justice and the public sphere. I start by defining justice as a transnational construct using theories of the nation-state and then discuss the nature and roles of counterpublics, specifically the Coalfields Delegation, in transnational justice. I then explore Fraser's constructs of redistribution, recognition, and representation, viewing each through Bourdieu's theories of habitus and field. I show that the process through which counterpublics seek justice is mediated through the operations of power in the economic, cultural, and political fields (adopting Fraser's definition of culture over Bourdieu's). To achieve justice, it is insufficient to suggest that movement in a field proceeds directionally; rather, Fraser and Bourdieu are in accord in suggesting that these fields need to be deconstructed (Fraser's term) by counterpublics adopting heterodox practices to challenge the established ordering of the field. Energy injustice, in the particular form of mountaintop removal coal mining, occurs locally, yet is inherently global in its implications through the processes of international trade and consumption. Therefore, the appropriate level at which to examine these seemingly "local" concerns is that of the transnational. In the case of the Coalfields Delegation, appeals have been made at the local, state, and national levels, to no avail. The group pursued several interlinked strategies at the UN. To the extent that their plight is one of economic disparity, the Coalfields Delegation has sought to redefine economic power in a manner different from global capitalism. Where cultural marginalization has been used as a basis for justifying disparate impacts on mining communities, the Delegation decidedly used its own formulation of "culture" as a strategic publicity mechanism. In pursuing representation at the UNCSD, the Delegation began defining its concerns in global terms, suggesting human rights violations, and placing coal mining within the context of global sustainability and climate change. However, in so doing, members of the Delegation started to reconceive themselves in solidarity with other similarly affected groups represented at the UNCSD. Their quest for global redress has not been one of straightforward acts of agency, but rather should be viewed as an oscillation between agency and structure. Fields exert counter-pressure, however, as the Delegation members grew in experience and sophistication, their habitus changed accordingly. My research explores the dynamic play of these social forces by linking the ideas of public sphere and field, counterpublic and habitus, to develop a new way in which researchers might both describe and trace advocacy group efforts to secure justice in the transnational public sphere. ; Ph. D.

Por medio de la Investigación Acción Participación se sistematiza la articulación de un movimiento social local que afrontó luchas globales en contra de los macroproyectos, por la usurpación del recurso agua y defensa de ecosistemas frágiles que se veían afectados por la Ampliación del Acueducto del Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. El movimiento se originó en la localidad de Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia) y como una red (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) se extendió por diferentes nodos, a los municipios de Guaca, Tona y el Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. Para este caso concreto del Movimiento Defensores del Agua, se aplica lo teorizado por Cohen y Arato (2000) en la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil, y es utilizar dos de los grandes paradigmas de los movimientos sociales, el de la movilización de recursos y el de los "nuevos movimientos sociales", para de esta manera hacer más comprensible los movimientos sociales contemporáneos. El marco de acción de la lucha del Movimiento Defensores del Agua se da dentro de la Constitución de 1991, donde se postula un Estado Social de Derecho inmerso en Economía de Mercado (Jiménez, 2008); de allí se desprende todo un torrente legislativo como la Ley 134 de Participación Ciudadana que reglamenta los Cabildos Abiertos, y la Ley 99 de 1993 del Medio Ambiente que en su artículo 72 alude a las Audiencias Públicas Ambientales, mecanismos estos que son utilizados por el Movimiento en cuestión como instrumento de lucha. El artículo deja entrever el papel de los profesionales en el movimiento social, el diálogo de saberes entre el saber popular y el saber científico que estructuran el movimiento, el papel de las organizaciones no gubernamentales en la lógica del Estado neoliberal (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). Se evidenciará la génesis y evolución de un movimiento social y su transformación, sus logros, tales como la solidaridad alcanzada, la cultura política generada tanto en la propia sociedad civil como del Estado. Las convocatorias a espacios simbólicos y contrapúblicos (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001), las movilizaciones pacíficas de 200, 1200, 2000 y 5000 personas de extracción urbana y rural, hechos tales que llevaron a detener el macroproyecto a nivel regional. Y además las derrotas tanto colectivas y de sus actores en los escenarios del conflicto y a la vez narrar cómo se falla al querer extender la lucha al contexto nacional, es decir, deja como pregunta la falta de articulación de un movimiento social ambientalista a nivel nacional que afronte los conflictos locales y regionales. AbstractBy means of the Action-Participation Research method, the articulation of a local social movement which faced global fights against macro projects for the usurpation of the water resource and fragile ecosystems which were affected because of the extension in the Aqueduct in the Metropolitan area of Bucaramanga, is systematized. The movement has its origins in the area of Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia), and as a network (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) it has extended to different areas to the municipalities of Guaca, Tona and the Metropolitan Area of Bucaramanga. For this specific case of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" Cohen and Arato's (2000) theories are applied in the reconstruction of civil society using two of the great paradigms of social movements: mobilization of resources and "new social movements", this way, making contemporary social movements easier to understand. The action framework of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" struggle is given in the 1991 Constitution, in which a Social State of Rights immersed into a market economy (Jiménez, 2008) is postulated. Thence it follows the legislative flow such as Law 134 of Citizen Participation, which regulates Town Meetings, and Law 99 from 1993 about Environment which, in article 72, refers to Environmental Public Audiences as mechanisms which are used by the Movement above mentioned as struggle instruments. This article allows to glance the role of professionals in the social movement, the dialogue of knowledge between popular knowledge and scientific knowledge which structure the Movement, the role of nongovernmental organizations in the logics of the Neoliberal State (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). The creation and evolution of a social movement will be shown, as well as its transformation, its achievements such as the solidarity attained, the l cultural policy generated both within civil society and within the State., The calls to symbolic and counterpublic spaces (Escobar, Álvarez &Dagnino, 2010), the pacific demonstrations f 200, 1200, 2000 and 5000 people from urban and rural origins, facts that made the macro project stop at a regional level. Besides, collective and individual defeats in scenarios of conflict, and also to relate how, wanting to extend the struggle to a national context, fails. This is to say it leaves as a question the lack of articulation of a social environment movement at a national level that faces local and regional environmental conflicts. ; Por medio de la Investigación Acción Participación se sistematiza la articulación de un movimiento social local que afrontó luchas globales en contra de los macroproyectos, por la usurpación del recurso agua y defensa de ecosistemas frágiles que se veían afectados por la Ampliación del Acueducto del Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. El movimiento se originó en la localidad de Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia) y como una red (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) se extendió por diferentes nodos, a los municipios de Guaca, Tona y el Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. Para este caso concreto del Movimiento Defensores del Agua, se aplica lo teorizado por Cohen y Arato (2000) en la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil, y es utilizar dos de los grandes paradigmas de los movimientos sociales, el de la movilización de recursos y el de los "nuevos movimientos sociales", para de esta manera hacer más comprensible los movimientos sociales contemporáneos. El marco de acción de la lucha del Movimiento Defensores del Agua se da dentro de la Constitución de 1991, donde se postula un Estado Social de Derecho inmerso en Economía de Mercado (Jiménez, 2008); de allí se desprende todo un torrente legislativo como la Ley 134 de Participación Ciudadana que reglamenta los Cabildos Abiertos, y la Ley 99 de 1993 del Medio Ambiente que en su artículo 72 alude a las Audiencias Públicas Ambientales, mecanismos estos que son utilizados por el Movimiento en cuestión como instrumento de lucha. El artículo deja entrever el papel de los profesionales en el movimiento social, el diálogo de saberes entre el saber popular y el saber científico que estructuran el movimiento, el papel de las organizaciones no gubernamentales en la lógica del Estado neoliberal (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). Se evidenciará la génesis y evolución de un movimiento social y su transformación, sus logros, tales como la solidaridad alcanzada, la cultura política generada tanto en la propia sociedad civil como del Estado. Las convocatorias a espacios simbólicos y contrapúblicos (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001), las movilizaciones pacíficas de 200, 1200, 2000 y 5000 personas de extracción urbana y rural, hechos tales que llevaron a detener el macroproyecto a nivel regional. Y además las derrotas tanto colectivas y de sus actores en los escenarios del conflicto y a la vez narrar cómo se falla al querer extender la lucha al contexto nacional, es decir, deja como pregunta la falta de articulación de un movimiento social ambientalista a nivel nacional que afronte los conflictos locales y regionales. AbstractBy means of the Action-Participation Research method, the articulation of a local social movement which faced global fights against macro projects for the usurpation of the water resource and fragile ecosystems which were affected because of the extension in the Aqueduct in the Metropolitan area of Bucaramanga, is systematized. The movement has its origins in the area of Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia), and as a network (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) it has extended to different areas to the municipalities of Guaca, Tona and the Metropolitan Area of Bucaramanga. For this specific case of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" Cohen and Arato's (2000) theories are applied in the reconstruction of civil society using two of the great paradigms of social movements: mobilization of resources and "new social movements", this way, making contemporary social movements easier to understand. The action framework of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" struggle is given in the 1991 Constitution, in which a Social State of Rights immersed into a market economy (Jiménez, 2008) is postulated. Thence it follows the legislative flow such as Law 134 of Citizen Participation, which regulates Town Meetings, and Law 99 from 1993 about Environment which, in article 72, refers to Environmental Public Audiences as mechanisms which are used by the Movement above mentioned as struggle instruments. This article allows to glance the role of professionals in the social movement, the dialogue of knowledge between popular knowledge and scientific knowledge which structure the Movement, the role of nongovernmental organizations in the logics of the Neoliberal State (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). The creation and evolution of a social movement will be shown, as well as its transformation, its achievements such as the solidarity attained, the l cultural policy generated both within civil society and within the State., The calls to symbolic and counterpublic spaces (Escobar, Álvarez &Dagnino, 2010), the pacific demonstrations f 200, 1200, 2000 and 5000 people from urban and rural origins, facts that made the macro project stop at a regional level. Besides, collective and individual defeats in scenarios of conflict, and also to relate how, wanting to extend the struggle to a national context, fails. This is to say it leaves as a question the lack of articulation of a social environment movement at a national level that faces local and regional environmental conflicts.