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Transformations in both Japan's domestic culture and its foreign relations in the last two decades have led to, among other outcomes, a shift to a more militarized defense policy. Yumiko Mikanagi explores an intriguing aspect of this shift: changes in what is considered masculine in contemporary Japanese society. Tracing the alternations between dominant "warrior" and "literati" conceptions of masculinity from the nineteenth century to the present, Mikanagi reveals parallels in Japan's foreign policy and offers new insights into the country's recent defense policy decisions

We do not feel that it is dangerous or harmful to the federation if provinces enter into relationships with other nations to develop for example educational or similar programs.Hon. Harry E. Strom, Premier of Alberta, in a letter to the authorWithin the past decade a perennial and intriguing problem concerning Canadian foreign relations has gained new prominence. Can the government of Canada as empowered under Heading VI (Section 91) of the British North America Act (1867) conclude contractual relations with foreign states when the terms of such contractual relations can be given legal implementation only by legislation of the provinces in areas reserved to them under heading VI (sections 92 and 93) ? Or more precisely, since certain classes of legislative subjects are specifically reserved to the provinces, can the individual province then engage in "foreign relations" vis-á-vis those reserved subjects?With the signing of the Franco-Quebec Agreements of 15 September 1967, which provided for increased cultural, scientific, and technological cooperation between France and Quebec, and the developments leading up to and flowing from this Accord, the problem of the role and extent of provincial powers in regard to foreign relationships again came to the fore.

Introduction. A Time of Some Significance: The People's Republic at Sixty and New Frontiers in Chinese Foreign Relations / Allen Carlson IX. - Part I: Foreign Relations. - Chapter 1. The Moral Dimension of Chinese Foreign Policy / Ren Xiao 3. - Chapter 2. Unconventional Sources of Chinese Insecurity: What The Emergence of NTS Concerns within Chinese Foreign Policy and National Security Circles Reveals about China's "Rise" / Allen Carlson 25. - Chapter 3. Shaping China's Foreign Policy: The Paradoxical Role of Foreign-Educated Returnees / Chang Li 41. - Part II: Domestic-Foreign Policy Nexus. - Chapter 4. The Economic Factor in Chinese Foreign Policy / Yufan Hao 65. - Chapter 5. China's Domestic Policy Fragmentation and "Grand" Strategy in Global Politics / Mark W. Frazier 91. - Part III: National Security Concerns. - Chapter 6. Security Policy and China's Defense Modernization: A Sixty-Year Perspective / Paul H. B. Godwin 105. - Chapter 7. Strategic Priority and Choice: China's Search of Security in an Era of Multiple Threats / You Li 129. - Chapter 8. Pragmatic Compliance: China's Policy toward Multilateral Export Control Regimes / Wu Fuzuo 151. - Part IV: Emerging and Future Issues. - Chapter 9. Chinese Foreign Policy Challenges: Periphery as Core / James T. H. Tang 173. - Chapter 10. China's Foreign Policy in a Globalized World: Challenges and Opportunities / Zhu Liqun 191

First published in 1975.This volume presents the documentary evidence for understanding the evolution of China's foreign relations since the inauguration of the People's Republic in 1949. Over seventy documentary extracts cover the years 1949-1947. They include selections from statements and reports, conference resolutions, the speeches of Mao Tse-tung, Chou En-lai and other Chinese leaders, and editorials from People's Daily and Red Flag. Western commentators such as Edgar Snow and Neal Ascherson are also represented, however most of the material is from Chinese sources. Particular attention

It is not generally appreciated that Francis Mann was not an international lawyer at all by training. His thesis at Berlin University was in company law. It was only after he had been in England for some time that he began to write about private international law,1and his interest in public international law was developed as a result of his friendship with Sir Hersch Lauterpacht. It was not until 1943 that he published anything about public international law, and in that year he published a substantial article in two parts on the relationship between national law and international law, in which he built on the previous work on Judicial Aspects of Foreign Relations by Louis Jaffe2and on acts of state by Sir William Holdsworth.3Subsequently he came to make this subject his own, at least in England,4where the subject has never attracted the attention which it has attracted in the United States.5

This book provides a succinct and accessible interpretation of the major event and ideas that have shaped U.S. foreign relations since the American Revolution-historical factors that now affect our current debates and commitments in the Middle East as well as Europe and Asia.

While we know a great deal about the internal dynamics of foreign policymaking and about the influence of various groups and institutions, we know virtually nothing about the role of corporations in American foreign relations. The influence of corporations becomes more obvious if we distinguish between different types of decisions: crisis, calculated, and axiomatic decisions. Economic or corporate interests become obscured in crisis decision-making. The influence of corporations stems primarily from their capacity to shape axiomatic decisions and from their ability to act independently, to initiate action, which then influences foreign policy. While specific interests of corporations are subject to the mechanisms of pluralism and countervailing power, corporations exert a general influence which transcends specific economic interests. An examination of the recruitment patterns of high-level policy positions reflects the dominant position of men from large corporations, high finance, and corporate law. This pattern of recruitment creates latent predispositions which are readily triggered by various institutions which transmit corporate interests. The process of "tapping" high-level foreign policy officials from the business community biases the structure of decision-making towards business, for government is not just conscripting the talents of the businessman; it is buying his ideology, his values, and his orientation towards the world.