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Political involvement varies markedly across people. Traditional explanations for this variation tend to rely on demographic variables and self-reported, overtly political concepts. In this article, we expand the range of possible explanatory variables by hypothesizing that a correlation exists between political involvement and physiological predispositions. We measure physiology by computing the degree to which electrodermal activity changes on average when a participant sequentially views a full range of differentially valenced stimuli. Our findings indicate that individuals with higher electrodermal responsiveness are also more likely to participate actively in politics. This relationship holds even after the effects of traditional demographic variables are taken into account, suggesting that physiological responsiveness independently contributes to a fuller understanding of the underlying sources of variation in political involvement. Adapted from the source document.

Education has always been viewed as a predictor of a nation's level of political participation. The levels of political activity in Latin America and East Asia, however, disprove this belief. SMU economics professor Davin Chor and Harvard public policy professor Filipe R. Campante attempt alternative explanations from an economic perspective. In the paper, "Schooling, Political Participation, and the Economy", factors such as resources and human capital were examined.

An exploration of the theoretical & methodological problems underlying the relationship between group consciousness & political participation, based on data from the U of Michigan Center for Political Studies' 1972 & 1976 National Election Studies. Four conceptual components of group consciousness are delineated & their relationships with electoral & nonelectoral participation among both subordinate & dominant social groups (190 businessmen, 440 poor, 1,034 whites, 192 blacks, 622 young, 521 old, & 1,284 women) examined. An interactive model fits both a theory of mobilization & the data far better than a linear, additive model. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 21 References. Modified HA.

'Political Participation in the United States' by M. Margaret Conway is reviewed.

There has been a scarcity of work examining the political consequences of discrete emotions. This article examines the political effects of several emotions—anger, sadness, fear, and enthusiasm. Emotional ads should influence whether voters become politically active. To test this, two experiments were administered. The first examines emotional responses to campaign messages; the second tests whether emotions influence political participation. The results indicate anger is mobilizing, by increasing participatory intentions and factors related to participate. This result is then replicated using ad-tracking data. The findings indicate that emotions are an important factor in studying campaign effects.

A sizeable gender gap in political participation, such that men are more likely to be active than women, is a well‐established cross‐national finding. But evidence for Australia is scarce, particularly in recent times, and so is international evidence since the mid‐1970s. The 1984–85 Australian National Social Science Survey shows only a small gender gap to exist in a variety of political activities, in contrast to past findings. Furthermore, controlling for political interest largely explains the gap in rates of orthodox political participation. A significant gender gap remains in political protest activities, however, despite the introduction of a wide range of controls.

From the understanding of topical issues to activism, education has been said to play a major role in promoting political participation. Past research has shown that the educated would display stronger tendencies to vote, join political parties and engage in civic activities. However, if education predicts political participation, why do some countries with lower education rates face higher chances of political unrest? For instance, the average schooling in East Asian countries exceeds the average for Latin American countries. Yet, Latin America experiences higher levels of political unrest.

Political participation in France and Germany : traditions, concepts, measurements, patterns and explanations / Oscar W. Gabriel -- Mapping political participation / Kristina Kuhne and Oscar W. Gabriel -- Conventional political participation / Jürgen Bauknecht -- Local electoral participation / Angelika Vetter and Vincent Hoffmann-Martinot -- Local democracy : a comparison of mayoral perceptions / Björn Egner and Eric Kerrouche -- Initiatives and referendums / Christophe Premat -- Social participation / Silke I. Keil -- Turnout in parliamentary elections / Kerstin Völkl -- Political protest / Emmanuel Rivat, Matthias Stauer -- New forms of citizen involvement / Ortwin Renn and Pia-Johanna Schweizer

How does the racial environment influence mass political participation? The power—threat hypothesis predicts that a larger out-group population in the surrounding environment increases citizen participation, whereas the relational goods hypothesis predicts that it decreases participation. I attempt to reconcile these conflicting arguments into a single hypothesis positing that citizens' decisions to participate in politics are simultaneously shaped by the power—threat and relational goods effects. I conclude that the racial environment plays a significant role as a determinant of mass participation but in ways more complicated than what simple models of contextual effects suggest.

This article investigates the claim that individual political participation is affected by the tendency of politically significant others to participate, particularly if that other is a spouse. Models of reported turnout, validated turnout, and campaign activity are developed that explicitly model the relationship between pairs of political discussants. These models are estimated using a unique data set collected in South Bend, Indiana during the 1984 presidential election that includes direct information for both respondents and individuals named as political discussants. The results show that the likelihood of participation increases as discussants become more likely to participate. Spouses are found to be particularly important types of discussants in the case of turnout, but not when campaign activity is the measure of participation.

Abstract
Political participation lies at the heart of normative democratic theory. To foster participatory interactions between citizens, some advocates and designers are resorting to gamification as the use of psycho-motivational involvement strategies from games in non-game contexts. The hope is that through gamification mechanisms, citizens will be drawn more easily towards participation platforms, apps, and digital services, as well as remain there longer, thereby effectively enhancing participation numbers and time. In this article, I will explore the potential problems of these involvement strategies, namely the worry that they may be able to undermine citizen's individual and political autonomy by manipulating them into participating. Depending on the severity of the psycho-motivational effect as well as the covertness of the mechanism, gamification may constitute inadmissible forms of paternalism.

This study examines the relationship between various forms of media use and political participation. The major argument is that in today's high-choice media environment, individuals and groups with the highest level of political interest are more likely to develop richer political information repertoires that involve exploiting both digital and traditional ways of searching for political information. Individuals and groups with richer political information repertories can be expected to have higher levels of political knowledge, efficacy, and participation. This article argues further that a clear connection exists between peoples' informational and participatory repertoires and tests these propositions using a large, heterogeneous sample of the Israeli public during the 2013 election campaign. The analysis supports the claims of this study, with a few intriguing exceptions.

Most adult education programs are wedded to human capital theory, a theory which ignores structural barriers to social equality such as sexism, racism, and classism. Proposed is an alternative, which, in addition to dispensing human capital (marketable skills), seeks to provide opportunities for students to hone the tools needed to overcome the impediments to social equality. I call this type of education: education as political participation.