Suchergebnisse

Dedication -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Rhetoric in Neoliberalism -- Note -- References -- Accountable to Whom? The Rhetorical Circulation of Neoliberal Discourse and Its Ambient Effects on Higher Education -- Educational Accountability: From the Great Society to the Neoliberal Marketplace -- The Neoliberal Milieu: From CSU's Mandatory Early Start to SUNY's Seamless Transfer -- Reconstituting Ambient Rhetoric from Neoliberalism to the Common -- Notes -- References -- Warren Buffett's Celebrity, Epideictic Ethos, and Neoliberal Humanitarianism

The economic "Great Recession" of 2008/09 has seen skyrocketing unemployment, a lowering of the standard of living, & a near-collapse of the financial industry. This recession was brought about by unrestrained capitalism, and, according to the author, could spell the end of the neoliberal economic model, which has been dominant in global economics since the presidency of Ronald Reagan. In order to cripple the market-fundamentalist right wing in American politics, the left will have to come up with an economic model that is dynamic & sensitive to the market, all the while balancing the needs between labor & business. As the Great Depression of the 1930s showed, & the current recession is showing, market fundamentalism is unstable, & is incompatible with equality or social peace. Adapted from the source document.

Lebanon, a multi-confessional state, is undergoing a deep socioeconomic change that could trigger a review of its constitutional arrangement. The tiny republic on the Mediterranean was born in 1920 as a liberal democracy with a market economy, where the Christians had the upper hand in politics and the economy. In 1975, Lebanon witnessed a major war that lasted for fifteen years, and a new political system emerged in 1989, dubbed the Ta'ef Accord. The new constitutional arrangement, also known as the "second republic," transferred major powers to the Muslims. Under the new republic, illiberal policies were adopted in reconstruction, public finance, and monetary policy, coupled with unprecedented corruption at the highest levels. On 17 October 2019, the country exploded in a social revolution which could precipitate the death of the second republic or the demise of the country as another victim of predator neoliberalism.

Many scholars have asked themselves if and for how long they should use the concept of "post-socialism." We review some ways in which post-socialism is no longer used productively and suggest that one way to analyze the enduring effects of socialism (a useful role for the concept of post-socialism) is by paying attention to how economic and political elites in Central and Eastern Europe continue to use the ghost of state-socialism as the ultimate boogeyman, disciplinary device, and "ideological antioxidant." We call this blend of post-1989 anti-communism and neoliberal hegemony "zombie socialism," and we argue that it is a key component of contemporary capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe. We illustrate briefly some cases of zombie socialism, using data such as EU 28 statistics on labor, wages, work–life (im)balance, income tax, housing, and housing policies to show the effects of this hegemonic discourse. The presence of zombie socialism for almost three decades in Central and Eastern Europe made some of these countries "more" capitalist than countries with longer capitalist traditions in Europe. We join others who have suggested that there is nothing to transition any longer, as the "transition" is long over.

Using mixed qualitative and quantitative analysis, I analyse moves made by Malaysian authorities as they seek to engage coercive capital—in the form of state-directed market maneuvers—and mobile capital—in the form of institutional investors' discourses—in the aftermath of the financial crises of 1997–1998 and 2007–2008. I argue that the Malaysian case reveals the continuing valence of structures of neoliberalism and, in particular, the ways in which local legitimacy continues to be mediated by global market makers. First, I show how in semi-democratic states, neoliberal policies enable the consolidation of power along intersectional axes of class and ethnicity. Next, using Tajudin Ramli's corporate empire (as enmeshed with Malaysian Airlines) as a modal example, I explore the continuities in the nexus of political and economic elites in Malaysia. Finally, by examining discourses of the Malaysian market's credibility among institutional investors, I show continuities in how regimes of truth are shaped through neoliberal market structures. If post-neoliberalism leads to transformations in macroeconomic policies and political discourses, I argue that in Malaysia, by contrast, we see intensification of neoliberal policies and discourses, rather than transformation.

English
The last decade has seen a number of attempts to periodise neoliberalism and the wider liberal project into different phases. While acknowledging the difficulties any periodisation approach entails, this article proposes a number of core factors against which periodisation might be considered. In its main body, it describes recent and current developments in factors including strategy; labour market policy; institutional reform; disciplinary inclusion and exclusion; and other geopolitical and social aspects of reaction, regendering and re-embedding. In concluding, the article evaluates both the prospects for periodisation as method, and the extent to which a significant, recent period shift in the neoliberal project has emerged.

This paper aims to examine ideological and politico-economic power structures of post WWII-German economics. Using the conception of a German Neoliberal Thought Collective, organized around the Mont Pèlerin Society, it highlights the similarities between ordoliberalism as German variety of neoliberalism and (American) neoliberalism on a personal as well as on an institutional level. Furthermore, based on the methodology of a performative footprint (PFP) of economists, i.e. an attempt to conceptualize academic, political and public impact of economic thought and distinct economists, respectively, this paper shows that economists organized in a German neoliberal Thought Collective continuously had a formative impact on the course of German economic policies, up to today.

The article analyzes the contexts and specificities of post-disaster social work intervention based on the testimonies of social workers who participated in the recovery and normalization processes after the earthquakes of 1985, 2010, and 2015 in Chile. The neoliberal context has influence in the social intervention. As neoliberalism deepens, there is more technology and better access to material resources, but at the same time, professional autonomy and community knowledge decrease. Research suggests there is a need for further critical discussion about how social work has been colonized by neoliberalism, even in seemingly neutral issues such as post-disaster intervention.

Much has been written about the ongoing legitimacy crisis of the global investment treaty regime and the system of investor-to-state dispute settlement (ISDS). In the European Union (EU), the proposed inclusion of investment protection provisions and ISDS in negotiations on the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the United States triggered unprecedented levels of contestation. This article seeks to explain why EU responses to such contestation, in the form of an investment court system and a multilateral investment court, did not bring about a clear break away from the traditional ISDS model. Drawing on critical political economy perspectives, it regards the EU investment policy following the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon as deeply embedded in a broader neoliberal project mediated by material, institutional, and ideological configurations. Several factors have inhibited possibilities for more fundamental changes. The European Commission construed the lack of legitimacy as stemming from ISDS' procedural features rather than questioning its social purpose. There has been no shift in the underlying social power balance, and no comprehensive counter-project has been proposed. The European Commission enjoys relative autonomy vis-à-vis other parts within the EU institutional ensembles and wider societal interests, allowing it to block more radical solutions. Finally, there were no clear signs of a fundamental departure from the neoliberal path in terms of wider EU economic regulation.