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Evidence shows that national justice has been slow, ineffective or unwilling to judge major political and military leaders responsible for genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity on a large scale. Hence the justification for international criminal justice. This book reviews the achievements and limitations of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and the creation of mixed national/international courts: the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Cambodia Tribunal. The major, unexpected and promising judiciary innovation is however the creation of the International Criminal Court in 1998, supported by the UN, European Union members and other countries, effectively promoted by NGOs, but strongly opposed by the USA. The Court will have to show that it is a fair and valuable instrument in fighting impunity at the international level. Not a legal treatise, this book combines historical, legal and political elements in a highly readable text on the development of international criminal justice, which should be of interest to both the academic community, international organisations and concerned observers

THE INTERNATIONAL WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA IS UNWORKABLE BECAUSE THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL HAS NEITHER THE PRACTICAL NOR LEGAL JURISDICTIONAL POWER TO PROSECUTE WAR CRIMES COMMITTED DURING CIVIL WARS OR REGIONAL HOSTILITIES. THE TRIBUNAL IS LIKELY TO CAUSE ONLY CONFUSION ON THE PART OF THE PARTICIPANTS AND PERHAPS, INDIRECTLY, AN ESCALATION OF THE CONFLICT. THE REASONS FOR FAILURE LIE IN FLAWED ASSUMPTIONS REGARDING THE PROPER ROLE AND POWERS OF THE UN. THE UN IS NOT A FORM OF WORLD GOVERNMENT. IT HAS NO POLICE FORCE, NO LEGISLATURE. THE ATTEMPT TO CONSTRUCT A JUDICIAL SYSTEM (IN THE FORM OF A WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL) WHEN THE OTHER TWO ORGANS OF WORLD GOVERNMENT ARE MISSING IS AN EXERCISE IN FUTILITY.T EH UN RELIES PRIMARILY ON THE CONSENT OF ITS MEMBERS. THERE FORE, IT MUST NECESSARILY FALL BACK ON MORAL PERSUASION (AS A BODY REPRESENTING WORLD OPINION) TO 'KEEP THE PEACE' AND MAINTAIN REASONABLE STANDARDS OF CONDUCT DURING REGIONAL HOSTILITIES. IRONICALLY, THE ATTEMPT TO ERECT AN OVERLY COERCIVE AND INTERVENTIONIST ROLE FOR THE SECURITY COUNCIL UNDERCUTS THE VERY STRENGTHS ON WHICH THE UN AS WHOLE RELIES: ITS CREDIBILITY AS AN IMPARTIAL FORUM FOR CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION OF INTERNATIONAL CRISES.

The development of an information society and information technologies does not result in positive consequences only. Individuals with criminal intent also find their niche. Information security includes the creation of the input, processing and output processes of protection. The objective of information security is to protect the system of values, to protect and ensure accuracy and integrity and to minimize losses that may be incurred if the information is modified or destroyed. In the development of an information society, the new visible changes in the legislation for the classification of crimes–crimes against computers– altered the concept of electronic crime data and information system security concepts. This article presents a brief analysis on the concept of the change of crimes against security of electronic data and information systems, the legislation analysis, the crimes against security of electronic data systems and information dynamics and its relationship with business factors. ; Pastebimi nauji informacinės visuomenės raidos pokyčiai teisės aktuose klasifikuojant nusikaltimus, t. y. kompiuterinių nusikaltimų bei nusikaltimų informatikai sąvokos keičiamos nusikaltimų elektroninių duomenų ir informacinių sistemų saugumui sąvokomis. Nusikaltimai elektroninių duomenų ir informacinių sistemų saugumui – tai baudžiamojo įstatymo uždrausta visuomenei pavojinga veika, daranti žalą formuojant informacines sistemas ir naudojant informacines technologijas, saugant svarbią informaciją (duomenis) ir subjektų, dalyvaujančių informacinėje veikloje, interesus. Europos Tarybos 2001 m priimta Budapešto konvencija skirta stabdyti veiksmus, nukreiptus prieš kompiuterinių sistemų, tinklų ir duomenų konfidencialumą, vientisumą ir prieinamumą. Lietuva prie šios konvencijos prisijungė 2004 metais. Nusikaltimai elektroninių duomenų ir informacinių sistemų saugumui – tokia nusikalstamos veikos sąvoka nuo 2007 liepos 21 d. yra įtvirtinta dabar galiojančiame Lietuvos Respublikos baudžiamajame kodekse (BK) Dabar galiojančiame BK XXX skyriuje nusikaltimai elektroninių duomenų ir informacinių sistemų saugumui yra skirstomi į tokias veikų rūšis: neteisėtas poveikis elektroniniams duomenims, neteisėtas poveikis informacinei sistemai, neteisėtas elektroninių duomenų perėmimas ir panaudojimas, neteisėtas prisijungimas prie informacinės sistemos, neteisėtas disponavimas įrenginiais, programine įranga, slaptažodžiais, prisijungimo kodais ir kitokiais duomenimis. Reikia taip pat nepamiršti, kad jei asmuo tik naudoja informacines technologijas nusikaltimui padaryti, jo padarytą veiką galima kvalifikuoti ir pagal kitus BK straipsnius. [.]

For over three decades in Argentina, the families of the disappeared of the Military Dictatorship have engaged in political actions to demand "Justice" against human rights violations conducted during the repression. Legal paths to achieve penal liability have been opened since the annulment of the amnesty laws in 2005. Since then, the narratives concerning the past have definitely arisen —and been in dispute— in the Argentinean courts. Based on the ethnography of "trials for crimes against humanity", the article analyses how victims, State agents accused of human rights violations and judicial actors have converted the courts into a privileged place for the assertion of meanings to the dictatorial past. The intention is to question how the judicial system is being developed into a place for disputes over the production of truth concerning the military dictatorship in Argentina, through an enchantment analysis of the politics and symbolisms that take into consideration the emotional and existential aspects of human action. ; Desde o final da década de1970, os familiares de desaparecidos da ditadura militar argentina se engajam em ações políticas para exigir "Justiça" pelas violações aos direitos humanos cometidas durante a repressão. Com a anulação das leis de anistia em 2005, abriram-se os caminhos legais para a responsabilização penal. Desde então, as narrativas sobre o passado entraram definitivamente em cena (e em disputa) nos tribunais do país. Baseado na etnografia dos "julgamentos de delitos de lesa humanidade"na Argentina, o artigo analisa como as vítimas, os agentes do Estado acusados de violações aos direitos humanos e os atores do judiciário converteram os tribunais em lugar privilegiado para a afirmação de sentidos do passado ditatorial. A proposta é conduzir uma análise da política e seu simbolismo, que considere sobre tudo a dimensão afetiva e existencial da ação humana, para problematizar como a cena judiciaria vem se desempenhando como um espaço central de luta para a produção da verdade sobre a ditadura na Argentina. ; Desde fines de los años 1970s, familiares de desaparecidos de la dictadura militar argentina emprendieron acciones políticas para exigir "Justicia" por las violaciones de los derechos humanos cometidas durante la represión. Con la anulación de las leyes de amnistía en 2005, quedaron abiertos los caminos legales para la responsabilización penal. Desde entonces las narrativas sobre el pasado de violencia entraron definitivamente en escena (y en disputa) en los tribunales del país. Fundamentado en la investigación etnográfica llevada a cabo en los "juicios de crímenes de lesa humanidad", el artículo analiza como las víctimas, los agentes del Estado acusados de violaciones de los derechos humanos y los actores judiciales han convertido los tribunales en lugar privilegiado para la afirmación de sentidos al pasado dictatorial. La propuesta es conducir un análisis de la política y su simbolismo, que considera sobre todo la dimensión afectiva, moral y existencial de la acción humana, para problematizar cómo la escena judicial se ha transformado en espacio de lucha para la producción de la verdad sobre la dictadura en Argentina.

For over three decades in Argentina, the families of the disappeared of the Military Dictatorship have engaged in political actions to demand "Justice" against human rights violations conducted during the repression. Legal paths to achieve penal liability have been opened since the annulment of the amnesty laws in 2005. Since then, the narratives concerning the past have definitely arisen —and been in dispute— in the Argentinean courts. Based on the ethnography of "trials for crimes against humanity", the article analyses how victims, State agents accused of human rights violations and judicial actors have converted the courts into a privileged place for the assertion of meanings to the dictatorial past. The intention is to question how the judicial system is being developed into a place for disputes over the production of truth concerning the military dictatorship in Argentina, through an enchantment analysis of the politics and symbolisms that take into consideration the emotional and existential aspects of human action. ; Desde o final da década de1970, os familiares de desaparecidos da ditadura militar argentina se engajam em ações políticas para exigir "Justiça" pelas violações aos direitos humanos cometidas durante a repressão. Com a anulação das leis de anistia em 2005, abriram-se os caminhos legais para a responsabilização penal. Desde então, as narrativas sobre o passado entraram definitivamente em cena (e em disputa) nos tribunais do país. Baseado na etnografia dos "julgamentos de delitos de lesa humanidade"na Argentina, o artigo analisa como as vítimas, os agentes do Estado acusados de violações aos direitos humanos e os atores do judiciário converteram os tribunais em lugar privilegiado para a afirmação de sentidos do passado ditatorial. A proposta é conduzir uma análise da política e seu simbolismo, que considere sobre tudo a dimensão afetiva e existencial da ação humana, para problematizar como a cena judiciaria vem se desempenhando como um espaço central de luta para a produção da verdade sobre a ditadura na Argentina. ; Desde fines de los años 1970s, familiares de desaparecidos de la dictadura militar argentina emprendieron acciones políticas para exigir "Justicia" por las violaciones de los derechos humanos cometidas durante la represión. Con la anulación de las leyes de amnistía en 2005, quedaron abiertos los caminos legales para la responsabilización penal. Desde entonces las narrativas sobre el pasado de violencia entraron definitivamente en escena (y en disputa) en los tribunales del país. Fundamentado en la investigación etnográfica llevada a cabo en los "juicios de crímenes de lesa humanidad", el artículo analiza como las víctimas, los agentes del Estado acusados de violaciones de los derechos humanos y los actores judiciales han convertido los tribunales en lugar privilegiado para la afirmación de sentidos al pasado dictatorial. La propuesta es conducir un análisis de la política y su simbolismo, que considera sobre todo la dimensión afectiva, moral y existencial de la acción humana, para problematizar cómo la escena judicial se ha transformado en espacio de lucha para la producción de la verdad sobre la dictadura en Argentina.

This thesis utilized a thematic content analysis, looked at how significant barriers affect Mashonaland Central girls and women living with disabilities as victims of crime from accessing justice. Zimbabwe is an optimal case to apply this study, due to its contradictory legislation and evidence of high rate of human rights violations. Mashonaland Central Province is an ideal case study due to the extant records that indicate that it has the highest incidences of violence against women. This study is therefore based in a Victimological epoch with the aim to fill the research gap in acknowledging the process of accessing justice as an important step for protecting and promoting human right. By analyzing interviews conducted with 3 different women aged 18-65 and 3 girls living with disability who were under the age of 18, through the theoretical framework of basic human rights theory and victim dynamics, this thesis contributes to the existing body of knowledge, with suggestions of how these barriers which are inclusive of societal and cultural structures tend to affect the respondents' everyday lives and in a most pertinent manner towards their right to access justice. This thesis is also governed by the perspectives of key actors in the judicial process including but not limited to the Victim Friendly Unit. The theoretical framework is also operationalized into themes and criteria, which are then applied to analyze the conducted interviews. The emerging findings illuminate that there is a discrepancy between government policy surrounding girls and women living with disabilities and the practical experiences of the respondents. The respondents experienced a lack of accessibility to basic rights such as health care, the law, and to sex education – which are all rights ensured by government policy. Identified consequences included: discouragement in seeking justice due to fears of cultural and social stigma, discouragement in reporting crimes, and receiving adequate support, as well as information from secondhand ...

In recent years two Swedish companies, Telia and Lundin Petroleum, have had to work hard to legitimate their actions as a result of allegations of criminal activity. In this paper, the corporate framings employed to deal with allegations of crime will be analysed on the basis of Stanley Cohen's (2009) theoretical work on processes of denial and neutralization techniques. More specifically, the paper focuses on the temporalization of neutralizations of corporate crime and aims to answer the following questions: How have the corporations' defence mechanisms changed over time? How might the types of crime of which they have been accused, and their corporate structures, affect the ways in which particular defence mechanisms are employed? The analysis demonstrates that although there are similarities, such as both companies framing their businesses as contributing to the development of democracy, human rights, prosperity and peace, the companies follow two different lines of development in their defences. While Telia moves from literal denial to confession, Lundin Petroleum stays with its literal denial in parallel with a strong condemnation of the condemners. These differences seem to be grounded both in the crimes of which the companies have been accused and their respective corporate structures.