Suchergebnisse

The link between Ebola disease and international law is not obvious. The answer to the actual crisis in West Africa is at first a medical answer. However international law has a strong role to play in such international sanitary crisis in order to provide a strong legal structure for the fight against Ebola. This very specific crisis may prefigure solutions for other sanitary crisis if, and only if, different actors (States, international organizations, non-state organizations, enterprises) have the common will to address the issue together. This study aims to better understand the role of each actor and their interplays. It could be the starting point for a real international sanitary system based on the rule of law.

This book contains some of the papers that were presented at the first meeting of the newly formed African Expert Study Group on International Criminal Law / Groupe des Experts Africaines en Droit Pénal International held in September 2011 in Brussels, Belgium. The group was established under the auspices of the Multinational Development Policy Dialogue (hereinafter 'MDPD') and the Rule of Law programme of the German Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung ('KAS') in 2010 modeled on the successful sister group in Latin America. This latter group was originally founded as an expert group to monitor the implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court ('ICC') in Latin America within the framework of cooperation between KAS' regional Rule of Law Programme and the Department for Foreign and International Law of the Institute for Criminal Law and Criminal Justice of the Georg-August-Universität Göttingen in 2002. The newly formed African group consists of judicial experts with both academic and practical background from various parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. The importance of such a group for the African continent cannot be overestimated. Africa plays a vital role in international criminal law and justice, both as an active player at the ICC and at the regional and national level. As for the group's composition and outreach, the aim is to broaden regional representation and further consolidate membership. In 2012, the group will meet in Nairobi, Kenya to deal with topics surrounding the 'Potential for the domestic prosecution of international crimes in Africa.' Topics for future meetings abound given the multi-faceted African legal and political practice regarding international criminal justice in general and the ICC in particular. The group should in particular monitor the recent international or transnational criminal justice developments at the regional African level as well as relevant national developments. (Excerpt from the introduction by Kai Ambos)

Debates about impact and relevance have long been a feature of British politics and international studies. Thanks to the 2014 Research Excellence Framework, we now have large-scale and comparable empirical evidence to animate and shape these discussions. Here, we present the first systematic analysis of the case studies. Using frequency data, we report the political economy of political science and international studies' impacts across four broad themes: who has what impact and when; impact's beneficiaries; impact's evidence base; and, generating and validating impact. Analytically, we comment on the findings using insights from disciplinary histories and knowledge utilisation literatures. We conclude by discussing the ramifications of our case analysis for the discipline.

Transatlantic international relations (IR) theory has more or less neglected the international relations of East Asia. This relative neglect has come in different forms: excluding East Asian cases from analysis, including East Asian cases but miscoding or misunderstanding them, or including them but missing the fact that they do not confirm the main findings of the study. A review of the East Asia–related literature on three important clusters of theorizing—structural theories of conflict, institutional design and efficacy, and historical memory—suggests that this neglect of the region (and other regions) may come at a cost to transatlantic IR, not only in terms of data problems but also in terms of omitted or downplayed explanatory variables and theoretical arguments.

Résumé Le 11 Septembre a changé à jamais la façon dont le département de police de New York envisage sa mission et le monde qui l'entoure. À partir de 2002, son fonctionnement a été largement modifié afin d'assumer sa responsabilité dans la lutte contre le terrorisme. La défense de New York contre une autre attaque terroriste dépend avant tout du développement d'une perspective stratégique internationale. L'article présente les différentes façons dont le département de police de New York cherche à atteindre cet objectif en mettant l'accent en particulier sur son programme de liaison internationale grâce auquel des officiers de police de la ville sont affectés auprès des forces de police de onze villes différentes en dehors des États-Unis.

This article departs from a political ecology perspective to build a critique against the predominant anthropocentrism in international relations. It argues that the acknowledgement of the agency of non-human beings, and their inclusion and representation in political decision-making processes, is not only essential to create socioecological sustainability in the multispecies communities that we are all part of, but that it is also, fundamentally, a matter of justice. The article introduces the concept of multispecies justice as a possible ally in a dialogue for the reimagining of international relations, both as a discipline and as institutional practice, so that the latter can more adequately, effectively, and fairly respond to the current context of planetary crisis. As an illustrative example of what multispecies justice is (or can become) in practice, the article resorts to the case of rivers and to some of the non-anthropocentric initiatives that have been arising for their protection, conservation, or restoration.

Apportionment of authority among states in the space is one of the fundamental function of public international law and aim of that serves state borders institution. State borders are define as a line or surface separating state territories in land, martime and airspace. However exist different kind of borders that their establish in space bases on delimitation and demarcation. As long as do not give rise controversy establish land and maritime borders, while in spite of lack border determine in air space accept that sit height about 100–150 km. To sum up in the light of public international law exists and significant border is submit of principle of territorial integrity of states at the same time by their establish essential role plays crucial role effectiveness in carry out control of territory and borders. Therefore the principle of territorial integrity of States and effectiveness control over territory defines essence and role of state border.

International law provides a clear structure for countries of origin to define the eligibility criteria for foreign prospective adoptive parents; it is part of their sovereign prerogative (section 8.2, Hague Conference on Private International Law, 2008). Mia Dambach examines how this is reflected in national legislative frameworks as of 2010, with respect to adoptions by gay men and lesbians by providing a comparative review of 'countries of origin' by region. Following this overview, she discusses the practical consequences, which include the reality that despite having the 'legal possibility' to become adopters in at least 20 receiving countries, gay men and lesbians face enormous difficulties in realising their desires. This is because only two countries of origin expressly legalise this possibility via legislation and a handful of others by approving individual cases. This situation illustrates the fact that occidental views are not always shared by countries of origin.

While much discussion of the international relations of the Caucasus region has relied upon traditional Western theoretical perspectives of world politics, the foreign and national security policies pursued by the Azerbaijan Republic are not closely reflective of their assumptions. Much emphasis has been placed in recent years on anarchic competition for Caspian energy resources by external powers. Yet post-Soviet nations such as Azerbaijan likely view these interactions from the perspective of international hierarchy. The present essay examines the position of Azerbaijan within hierarchical global, regional and local systemic structures as defined by the economic, political, demographic and geographic characteristics of their constituent states. This incorporates both realist power-based and liberal institution-based logics into a single theoretical framework. It then presents a model for analyzing their influence upon the perceptions of Azerbaijani political elites in defining national interests as manifest in their foreign and security policies.

La coordination d'organisations œuvrant dans un même champ ou vers un même but est un problème classique de théorie des organisations aussi bien qu'une exigence pratique. La multiplication des organisations internationales spécialisées a eu, entre autres conséquences, de faire apparaître des difficultés de coordination dues au fait que certaines de leurs compétences pouvaient parfois se superposer. En prenant le cas du traitement des questions de bioéthique au niveau international, l'auteur montre comment le problème de la concurrence de compétences a été abordé de deux manières différentes. Premièrement, la formule de la coordination négative, une seule organisation intervient et les autres s'abstiennent, est vite apparue aussi frustre que frustrante. Deuxièmement, la formule de la coordination positive permet certes de recueillir l'expertise de toutes les organisations concernées mais reste complexe à mettre en œuvre, c'est en fait plus un processus permanent qu'une solution pérennement établie qui nécessite une attention et des améliorations constantes.

Centuries of Portuguese rule and decades of Indonesian rule over East Timor did not manage to eradicate local socio-political structures that have proved resilient. It is, therefore, not surprising that a state-building exercise by the international community was unable to have much effect on, let alone transform, the local level. This article assesses the clash between the international paradigm of attempting to (re)build the Western liberal-style, democratic state under UNTAET and the existing indigenous paradigm of traditional political legitimacy that prevails among the majority of the population at the local level. Without reconciling the two in future UN interventions, such efforts will continue to be either irrelevant to a self-evolving reality or in fact cause local systems to collapse without being able to adequately replace them. The puzzle of how to build local government, given the two unrelated paradigms, has to be solved. (Contemp Southeast Asia/DÜI)