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This thesis examines the 'public sphere' of state reconstruction and political conflict across the Somali territories through comparative discursive and contextual analysis of media production and consumption on the ground in Somalia. Using Somali-language media sources - including political cartoons, editorials, radio broadcasts and audio-visual propaganda - the chapters cumulatively present a dual conceptualisation of the public sphere in the Somali context. Here, local media production centred in individual capitals of various political projects (The Somali Federal Government, Somaliland and Puntland) coexists and overlaps with a transnational arena of Somali-language broadcasting and debate from various externally-based media producers. These range from the British Broadcasting Corporation"s Somali Service and popular diaspora-based satellite television stations, to sophisticated 'jihadi' propagandists, or individual geographically-detached cartoonists. Internationalised dynamics of economic and political change across the territories render distinctions between 'diasporic' and 'local' media production analytically unhelpful. At the same, ongoing popular rhetorical contestation over 'foreign' influence ensures an ostensibly paradoxical (and politically salient) discursive resilience of a culturally and religiously-defined 'Somali Ummah' across and beyond political boundaries. Although significant academic attention has been directed towards the role of decentralized 'new' or 'social' media and possibilities for civic agency vis-á-vis coherent, authoritarian state structures, the thesis argues that the Somali case highlights the significance of such public sphere technologies in altering discursive, political and security conditions for state (re)construction in socially fragmented and conflict scarred environments.

In the last years of the armed conflict, some of the actors that have participated in those clandestine operations re-adapted their modus operandi to fit other types of criminal activities such as customs corruption, large scale smuggling of goods, extortion and kidnapping for economic purposes, and drug trafficking. Control of borders and logistical corridors became also an important feature for their operations, which in turn led to political control of territories and linkages with politicians. In the last years of the armed conflict, some of the actors that have participated in those clandestine operations re-adapted their modus operandi to fit other types of criminal activities such as customs corruption, large scale smuggling of goods, extortion and kidnapping for economic purposes, and drug trafficking. Control of borders and logistical corridors became also an important feature for their operations, which in turn led to political control of territories and linkages with politicians. International Commission to Fight Impunity (CICIG) has played a critical role in using and promoting a legislative framework that enhances criminal prosecution in Guatemala. In this regard, some national laws have been critical for its work. First, the Law Against Organized Crime (LCCO) approved in 2006, before CICIG´s creation. However, CICIG requested the Guatemalan Congress to consider some reforms in 2009 to allow for more prosecutorial power, using instruments widely known in criminal law but inexistent in Guatemalan legal framework at that time. The reforms were approved, and since then CICIG and the Attorney General Office have used extensively their enhanced capacity.

This paper reviews the literature relevant to understanding political constraints to economic reforms. Reform refers to changes in government policies or institutional rules because status quo policies and institutions are not working well to achieve the goals of economic well-being and development. Further, reforms refer to the alternative policies and institutions that are available that would most likely perform better than the status quo. The main question examined in the political economy of reform literature has been why reforms are not undertaken when they are needed for the good of society. The succinct answer from the first generation of research is that conflict of interest between organized socio-political groups is responsible for some groups being able to stall reforms so that they can extract greater private rents from status quo policies. The next generation of research is tackling a more fundamental question: why does conflict of interest persist; or, why do some interest groups exert influence against reforms if there are indeed large gains to be had for society? These are questions about norms and preferences in society for public goods. The next step is to examine where norms and preferences for public goods come from, and which institutional arrangements are more conducive to solve the public goods problem of pursuing reforms. After reviewing the available and future directions for research, the paper concludes with what all of this means for policy makers who are interested in understanding the factors behind successful reforms.

The goal pursued in the present reflection is to analyze and explain the relationship of cause and effect between the persistence of armed conflicts and the issue of ethnic representation in political institutions in North-Kivu in Democratic Republic of Congo. Since the 1990s, is observed a systematic use of ethnicity in the calculations of political, economic and social actors active in the province. In addition to the question of nationality of immigrants, access to land and overpopulation, the question of representation of ethnic groups arises with acuity and remains at the center of the attitudes and behaviour of political and security actors on the ground. The elections held in the country in 2006, leading to the no representativeness of the tutsi ethnic group, have reconfigured the dominant positions available since the advent of rebellions in the country. An attempt to maintain or regain their status as, gun violence has been used by stakeholders, leading to the reactivation of the other ethnic dormant for the construction of bands armed self-defence groups. The persistence of the conflict in North Kivu in recent years would be also linked to the violent struggle triggered by members of the tutsi ethnic group in order to ensure their representation in provincial institutions of North Kivu, central Government or even in other strategic positions in the country. This gives political and security logically motivated other ethnic local to replenish the armed groups in order to address the threat of domination that tries to impose the tutsi ethnic group in North-Kivu.

The aim of this study is to examine the perceptions and evaluations of people living in Turkey towards the 'Armenian Issue' by using Q methodology. A field research was carried out with 40 adult participants from different ideological and religious backgrounds in Turkey. The participants were asked to sort 41 different cards related to the Armenian Issue from "the most agreed" (+4) to "the most disagreed" side (-4). The data were analyzed with the PQMethod 2.35 program. The results highlighted three factors representing different aspects of the Armenian Issue: 1) "Armenian Issue as a result of war conditions and mutual sufferings", 2) "Armenian Issue as a genocide and Turkish State as the only (political) responsible party", 3) "The Armenian Issue as the influence of global powers (such as the US and Russia)". The results also indicated the participants' agreement and disagreement points. The participants had a consensus on views involving reciprocal steps to solve the issue such as conducting scientific studies and various activities of research institutions and NGOs from both countries and restarting the diplomatic relations. However, they diverged on views including politicized suggestions for the solutions of the Armenian Issue such as a request for recognition of genocide, request for official apology. Finally, all participants supported the idea of "the main victims of the issue are the Armenians living in Anatolia" and "many Turks are prejudiced against Armenians". The results were discussed within the framework of Intractable Conflicts and Social Identity Theories. Keywords: Armenian issue, Q methodology, intractable conflicts, social identity

Das zwischenstaatliche Gewaltverbot steht im Zentrum der völkerrechtlichen Aufmerksamkeit. Auf bewaffnete Konflikte auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent trifft dies nur begrenzt zu. An dieses Defizit knüpft die Autorin ab der Zeitwende 1989/90 an. Dabei überschreitet sie die traditionellen Grenzen des Gewaltverbots und analysiert, inwieweit dies, v. a. durch die Fortentwicklung der Menschenrechtslehre, eine inhaltliche Änderungen erfahren hat, die auch die militärische Anwendung von Gewalt im Innern eines Staates ächtet (ius contra bellum internum). Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt sind Interventionen durch Regionalorganisation. Hierbei wird untersucht, ob multilaterale Interventionen schon dann gewohnheitsrechtliche Akzeptanz erfahren, wenn sie entweder formell oder materiell rechtmäßig sind. Zumindest solche, die durch den UN-Sicherheitsrat autorisiert sind, können diese sog. Baugenehmigungsthese für sich in Anspruch nehmen. Doch auch ohne UN-Mandat vermögen humanitäre Interventionen regionaler Organisationen in engen Grenzen völkerrechtmäßig sein. ; The prohibition of the use of force is of central interest in international law. Yet this is only partly the case with regard to armed conflicts in Africa. The author closes a gap in scholarship by analyzing armed conflicts on the continent following the historic changes in 1989/90. Thereby she goes beyond the traditional boundaries of the ius ad bellum and demonstrates, in light of the development of human rights doctrine, the existence of an already emerged prohibition of the use of military force within a State (ius contra bellum internum). Furthermore, the book focuses on interventions by regional organizations. It divides the possible exceptions of the use of force into procedural/formal and substantive/material aspects and analyses the thesis whether a multilateral intervention is already legal when just one of these elements is lawful. This is the case with regard to interventions authorized by the UN Security Council. Furthermore, humanitarian intervention by a regional organization may under narrow circumstances proceed on lawfully without a UN mandate.

Abstract Reindeer herding (RDH) is a livelihood strategy deeply connected to Sami cultural tradition. This article explores the implications of two theoretical and methodological approaches for grasping complex socioenvironmental relationships of RDH in Subarctic Sweden. Based on joint fieldwork, two teams – one that aligns itself with political ecology (PE) and the other with social-ecological systems (SES) – compared PE and SES approaches of understanding RDH. Our purpose was twofold: 1) to describe the situation of Sami RDH through the lenses of PE and SES, exploring how the two approaches interpret the same empirical data; 2) to present an analytical comparison of the ontological and epistemological assumptions of this work, also inferring different courses of action to instigate change for the sustainability of RDH. Key informants from four sameby in the Kiruna region expressed strong support for the continuation of RDH as a cultural and economic practice. Concerns about the current situation raised by Sami representatives centered on the cumulative negative impacts on RDH from mining, forestry and tourism. PE and SES researchers offered dissimilar interpretations of the key aspects of the RDH socio-economic situation, namely: the nature and scale of RDH systems; the ubiquitous role of conflict; and conceptualizations of responses to changing socioenvironmental conditions. Due to these disparities, PE and SES analyses have radically divergent sociopolitical implications for what ought to be done to redress the current RDH situation. Keywords: Reindeer herding, political ecology, social-ecological systems, resilience, interdisciplinary, ontological assumptions, conflicts/consensus, adaptation

The article deals with socio-economic approach, analysis of empirical research of consumer behaviour of different models in the retail markets in Russia during 2006-2016. Analysis of practice of the Russian retail market is presented in the context of theories which analyse the combination of competition and coordination of dealings of retailers, suppliers, customers, competitors and elites of the regional and federal levels (V. Radaev). The authors based their analysis also on the political-cultural approach (N. Fligstein), which offers a new view on the forms of economic stability and instability in the modern market, where embedded political and institutional processes hold the leading position. As the authorities got involved in global investment and in resolving social conflicts in modern societies, it is necessary to understand that the conditions of the Western sanctions (European Union, United States and other countries), which were introduced because of the conflict in the East of Ukraine, and the Russian response to them also lead to the lock-in effect (D. North), which affected the model of a Russian consumer behaviour. Consumers are not ready to support the import substitution, preferring higher quality and functionality of western analogues, or postponing the purchase. That fact indicates the unwillingness of the Russian industry for import substitution. The decline of customer activity, active savings behaviour, and a sharp reduction of the small business trade are one of the trends in the retail market, which were uncovered by the authors. These changes in the retail market increase the level of social tension.

Publicly, the United States positions itself as the world's protector and enforcer of democracy. This role, however, is more preferential than universal — especially in the case of the developing conflict in Syria. As the policy has evolved along with the ever-changing dynamics on the ground, it is clear that there are inherent contradictions between the moralistic rhetoric of policy and the amoral empirical realities of policy implementation. U.S. government officials have publicly pledged their support of the Syrian people, called for the abdication of Assad, and stated that the use of chemical weapons is a red line that, if crossed, would provoke military intervention. The U.S., however, has delivered on none of these commitments. In fact, the administration's foreign policy response to Syria has left many questions unanswered. On one hand, the lack of impactful initiatives to deter the bloodshed over the past five years makes it clear that the U.S. policy did not aim to do so in the first place. If the U.S.'s response to this crisis continues in its current form, and Assad's regime continues, violence and repression will persist. To this end, democracy will be impossible in Syria, and those who will truly bear the burden of such inaction will be the people of Syria. What exact proposals in need of reversing this conflict are uncertain, but what remains clear is that the U.S. faces an impasse due to its irrevocable decisions, and whatever is to occur in the future will ultimately be decided by the will of the Syrian people.

This study aims is to identify the level of integration of the female component in development actions at the level of the urban commune of Matamèye. It is based on an exploitation of the field data with the help of a maintenance guide, a questionnaire and the support of the Municipal Development Plan. The interview took place in the semi-structured form. It is clear that there are more than a hundred registered women's groups both in the commune and in the departmental service. These groups operate in the following activities: extraction of peanut oil, market gardening, manufacture of traditional spaghetti and garin yara. The promoters of these activities do not complain. Indeed, even if these results do not live up to expectations, we must encourage the initiatives of the municipality which try with little means to create a framework that allows these structures to evolve in complete independence. Nevertheless, there are conflicts of jurisdiction in the granting of official authorization to these groups between the supervisory authority and the newly elected administration. Each of the two parties believes that it is up to the municipality to issue them according to the local authorities code according to the ordinance n ° 2010-54 of 17 September 2010. That is why we say that the conflicts of competence between the supervisory authority and the newly elected government that often appear must not hamper local development actions, the principle for which decentralization has emerged.

The Polish-Soviet War (1919–20) is one of the key events in the process of implementation of the Versailles order in Eastern Europe. Having saved the Versailles deal, the war gave the nations of Central and Eastern Europe an extremely valuable opportunity, for twenty years, to decide about themselves and build their own nation states on the remnants of three empires, which disintegrated in the aftermath of the geopolitical revolution brought by the Great War (1914–18). From the very beginning, the West did not understand the geopolitical significance of the Polish-Soviet War, seen as a local conflict of two countries, triggered by 'Polish imperialism'. ; p. 141-158 ; Book reviewed : Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu : 1920 - zapomniany appeasement / Andrzej Nowak. - Kraków : Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2015. ; The Polish-Soviet War (1919–20) is one of the key events in the process of implementation of the Versailles order in Eastern Europe. Having saved the Versailles deal, the war gave the nations of Central and Eastern Europe an extremely valuable opportunity, for twenty years, to decide about themselves and build their own nation states on the remnants of three empires, which disintegrated in the aftermath of the geopolitical revolution brought by the Great War (1914–18). From the very beginning, the West did not understand the geopolitical significance of the Polish-Soviet War, seen as a local conflict of two countries, triggered by 'Polish imperialism'. ; s. 141-158 ; Tytuł pracy recenzowanej: Pierwsza zdrada Zachodu : 1920 - zapomniany appeasement / Andrzej Nowak. - Kraków : Wydawnictwo Literackie, 2015.

Published Conference Proceedings ; Construction of community development projects, particularly in rural areas of India is a challenge. Administrative and political authority decisions play a major role on the construction of these projects. Therefore, the objectives of the investigation are (1) to explore how and to what extent the administrative and political decisions influence the executive agencies at the local level, and (2) to examine the various project parameters that get influenced by such decisions. The investigation was conducted by using the case study of two Community Development Blocks in Odisha State of India and by employing a survey research method. Findings suggest that the decisions influence the construction of projects both positively and negatively. The decisions are found to facilitate funding of projects, administrative and technical approval of projects and build confidence among the contractors and beneficiaries; however concurrently some of the decisions negatively influence the local executive agencies like Block and Village panchayat authorities, technical personnel, design of projects and quality of work, and also engender conflict among the stakeholders, thus influencing the execution of the projects adversely. Besides, the major implications of the negative influences of the administrative and political decisions are setting up of unrealistic target for completion of projects, pressure on spending of funds within unrealistic period of time, poor quality of work, delay in project execution, delay in delivery of projects, poor design of projects, unrealistic estimated project duration, unrealistic project estimate, and conflict in project planning and allocation.

We need freedom of speech most when someone expresses offensive statements. Also, we need press freedom when news stories conflict the way authorities or powerful people and organizations look at the world. These freedoms are corner stones of journalism. When respected, journalism may contribute to a free flow of transparent and pluralistic information for citizens to be well informed.Yet, journalism's values and working methods, as well as journalists themselves, are challenged, pressured and threatened. This research anthology examines journalistic core values and how they are perceived and renegotiated in Bangladesh, Norway and Tunisia – and one chapter includes Colombia. In exploring views on journalism's values and press freedom transnationally, the comparative chapters (Part II) discuss and reflect on what journalism is.Finally, the case studies that close the book (Part III) offer empirical examples of journalism's role in transitional periods and at times of ideological conflicts: When the right to religion collides with press freedom and freedom of expression, and when bloggers are killed for speaking out, journalism is on the line. This book contributes to local and global discussions on journalism and its core values in cultural diversities."Journalism is under intensified threat. Some threats originate in economics, many others in politics and social life. This is why attention to the questions discussed in this anthology is valuable. If we are going to preserve journalism as a universal beacon, and indeed strengthen it going forward, the more knowledge we have about diversities in practice, the better our strategies can be." Guy BergerUNESCO

The article "Climate change and the Syrian civil war revisited" by Selby et al., 2017 (henceforth S2017) challenges research exploring the links between anthropogenic climate change, water scarcity and drought, impacts on agricultural production and economic stability, and the initial 2011 unrest in Syria. More broadly, the authors contest any causal link between climate and conflict. This is an important, evolving area of study and we encourage improved, expanded, and updated analysis of these connections. In their criticism, the authors of S2017 single out three papers (Werrell, Femia, & Sternberg, 2015; Gleick, 2014; and Kelley, Mohtadi, Cane, Seager, & Kushnir, 2015; here after K2015). Here we comment directly on our own work in K2015, though the others are equally unscathed by S2017's criticisms. We do so by refuting S2017's claims regarding the role of climate change, summarizing the sizeable evidence of the long-term drying trend in the region, and bolstering the link between the drought, migration and subsequent unrest by providing further supporting evidence. Our response contends overall that S2017 fail to make their case. K2015 (as well as Gleick, 2014; Werrell et al., 2015) claim climate as one of many contributing factors to the unrest. Nothing in S2017 refutes this, and none of their supportable arguments even offer reason for doubting this view. While K2015 can and did make a quantitative estimate of the impact of anthropogenic effects on the drought, we cannot quantify the impact of climate or any other factor, separately, on the conflict.

Abstract The article discusses conceptual and methodological issues related to environmental risks and health problems, in the context of environmental injustice and conflicts. In doing so, we use the conceptual frameworks of political ecology and what we call political epistemology. We propose a comprehensive vision of health that relates not only to illness and death, but also to life, nature, culture and fundamental human rights. We summarize this as health and dignity, echoing the voices of countless people who have been fighting for the right to life and the commons, and against the impacts of mining, agribusiness and the oil industry. Therefore our concept of health is intrinsically related to the capacity of affected communities and their democratic allies to face environmental conflicts (the exploitation of natural resources and the workforce with the systematic violation of rights related to work, land, environment and health). Mobilizations for environmental justice also struggle for the autonomy of communities, their cultures, and the right to maintain indigenous or peasant livelihoods. The way knowledge is produced plays a fundamental role in environmental justice mobilizations since issues of power are related to epistemological disputes and counter-hegemonic alternatives. Political epistemology is an alternative way of confronting crucial questions related to knowledge production, uncertainties and the manipulations of those who generate environmental injustices. Finally, we point to some strategies for strengthening the shared production of knowledge and the mobilization of communities that organize to confront environmental injustices. Key words: political epistemology, political ecology of health, health and dignity