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Summary
Discursive power is the reflection of a country's national strength and international influence. The increase of economic power does not necessarily mean the increase of discursive power. The improvement of discursive power has to be strategically designed and multidimensionally improved. Due to China's historical experiences regarding discursive power, China is weak in many fields. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, China began to pay more attention to improve its international discursive power such as expanding its discursive presence and strengthening effectiveness of its voice, changing language style, enhancing institutional power and innovating diplomatic practice. In the future, more substantive efforts will be needed such as strengthening the overall strategic layout, enhancing institutional discursive power in various fields, improving the discursive system and promoting integration of China's major diplomatic ideas and discourse with global ones.

Through an empirical investigation of emerging state practices at Hargeisa Egal International Airport this paper analyses everyday state formation in Somaliland. Taking my point of departure in a recent airport rehabilitation project, I examine emerging security practices and technologies at the airport. Moreover, I provide an analysis that illustrates how Somaliland's state officials and airport management mobilised external resources to finance the rehabilitation project. The main findings of the paper are twofold: on the one hand, the analysis illustrates how emerging state practices at the airport are at once manifesting and anonymising Somaliland as a political entity, while at the same time being part of daily negotiations. On the other hand, it demonstrates that different external resources and historical ties have been mobilised to rehabilitate the airport, thus highlighting how HEIA has become a site where the government of Somaliland seeks and finds international recognition.

International audience ; Charles VI famously promised Prussian King Frederick William I the succession of the duchies of Jülich and Berg in 1726, but did not keep this treaty pledge. Frederick II did not think high of public international law, but used this as a political motive for revenge on Austria in November 1740, starting the War of the Austrian Succession. Although the Emperor benefitted from an advantageous position in Imperial law, which was essentially feudal for successions, his decisions in the 1720s were always the counterpart of a bilaterally negotiated concession by the other party, triggered by European, rather than German politics. In the light of the Utrecht and Italian examples, it can be argued that the power relations at the inter-sovereign level and the resulting political compromise created an implicit hierarchy, where vertical Imperial law was bowed and bent to fit the main players' horizontal options.

AbstractThis article is based on the author's involvement in preparing a Draft Statute for a future World Court of Human Rights. The proposal seeks to modify the traditional vertical structure of human rights norms by introducing a mechanism for adjudicating claims about human rights violations by actors other than states, including by international organizations (IO) or transnational corporations (TNC). The jurisdiction of the World Court would require acceptance by the IO or TNC, making the mechanism similar to the effects of an international treaty, i.e. being legally binding but at the same time based on consent to be bound. When accepting the jurisdiction of the World Court, each IO or TNC could also specify under what substantive human rights norms the right of complaint will apply, and what internal procedures need to be exhausted before an alleged victim can have resort to it.

This article conceptualizes the international system as an informational network -- where the sovereign units in the system produce & process information, & linkages among units in the system are conduits for information. Building on a substantial literature that documents the diffusion of policies across nations, this article draws on concepts from network analysis to ask a critical question: what governance issues are raised by viewing the international system as an informational network? The author asserts that the core governance challenge is to balance the benefits of eliminating costly reinvention of the wheel, while maintaining continued innovation & minimizing the dissemination of welfare-reducing policies (fads). Increases in the linkages in the system, while improving the availability of information to all actors, may decrease innovation & increase fads. 1 Figure, 43 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

This paper motivates the choice of the functional comparative method to research the issue of civil remedies for international corruption. It shows how the social, economic and political factors that have shaped the normative context of the research question point to the functional comparative method as an appropriate methodology. The paper suggests that this method of legal research is able to meet the challenges inherent in the cross-cultural analysis required in the case of issues with an international dimension. The paper also argues that the use of the functional comparative method provides a perspective on the larger issue of rule making in a globalised world, by providing an element of predictability in the search for 'common rules' of interaction. Furthermore, the functional comparison of responses of legal systems to the question of civil remedies for international corruption provides a window on the possibilities that exist for legal reform and development.

"The general trend in Afghanistan is clear-cut: the overall security situation has consistently deteriorated since 2009, worsening dramatically since 2014. However, in the provinces of Afghanistan adjacent to Central Asia, the security situation has deteriorated even further than in Afghanistan as a whole. This report considers the range of options available to the Central Asian neighbors of Afghanistan (Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) in responding to this growing threat, both unilaterally and in their bilateral engagement with actors in Afghanistan. Furthermore, it considers how decisionmaking processes in Central Asia will be affected by future developments in Afghanistan by assessing options and likely outcomes under a set of security scenarios in Afghanistan itself"--Publisher's web site