Suchergebnisse

Vingt ans après la fin de la guerre, la question du statut du Kosovo est toujours en suspens. Encore aujourd'hui, le statut de cette République autoproclamée en 2008 est contesté et fait l'objet de négociations notamment sous l'égide de l'Union européenne. Si l'État du Kosovo n'est pas reconnu au niveau international malgré la résolution 1244 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies, qu'en est-il de la nation ? Eric Hobsbawm explique que l'élément protonational le plus décisif est la « conscience d'appartenir ou d'avoir appartenu à une entité politique durable ». Une nation, pour vivre, nécessite des points de convergence entre ses membres. Le sport, parce qu'il est présenté comme rassembleur, peut être vecteur de ce que Michael Billig nomme le « nationalisme ordinaire ». Il est alors susceptible de contribuer à la création d'un sentiment national dépassant les particularismes individuels. Le sport serait alors créateur d'un lien imaginaire dans la mouvance des travaux de Benedict Anderson. Ainsi, le sport international peut-il être l'un des éléments protonationalistes de la construction d'une nation kosovare conjuguant, voire sublimant, les antagonismes serbes et albanais. Est-il possible de pratiquer du sport en commun ? Comment de possibles équipes nationales sont-elles accueillies tant au niveau kosovar qu'international ? Les champions kosovars ont-ils un poids politique ? Nous étudierons les exemples de la tentative de récupération des judokas olympiques par le gouvernement et des tensions persistantes dans les rencontres sportives locales et européennes.

Scholarship identified the present and future of war as increasingly characterized by urbanization and political-economic actors that Western international assistance defines as 'illicit', 'illiberal' or 'criminal'. This article asks how Western international assistance could and should shape war-to-peace transitions for contributing to the emergence of lasting non-violent 'peaces'. It combines scholarly insights from 'pragmatic peacebuilding' scholarship and practice with interviews and grey literature on masterplanning projects in two neighborhoods in Damascus, Syria, that are prepared for 'reconstruction' or 'redevelopment', namely Qaboun and Basateen al-Razi. Thereby, it, on the one hand, challenges current approaches that, as in the case of Syria, presume that macropolitical pressure, diplomacy, and sanctions would forge an enduring outcome. It argues that 'peace' must be recognized as an order that is particular to a given time, space, and their inherent relations of political-economic actors (political settlements) and is, thus, changeable and expandable to including more people's interests and subject matters. On the other hand, it promotes an elongation and bridging of the emerging consensuses across the reviewed literatures that supporting local actors who are recognized and respected as mediators by all relevant conflict parties provide for a fruitful avenue to expanding the inclusivity of peaces and their underlying political settlements. This adds to the repertoire of newly emerging sustainable peacebuilding methods and signposts towards further studies of 'localized elite bargaining'.

Following the end of the Cold War and significant changes in the international community, Chinese leaders moved from a reluctant stand in United Nations (UN) activities to a position of active cooperation in UN peacekeeping. In fact, China became the biggest contributor of troops to UN peacekeeping operations among the permanent members of the Security Council. Towards the mid-2000s, China was involved in all seven UN peacekeeping operations on the African continent. This dramatic surge in Chinese peacekeeping participation coincided with Beijing's efforts in the early 2000s to deliberately expand its economic and diplomatic influence globally through trade and diplomatic links, as well as through its participation in international organisations, including UN peacekeeping operations. However, there have always been limits to China's involvement in peacekeeping operations. Beijing's views on peacekeeping have consistently been based on a sound respect for state sovereignty and the principle of non-intervention. In this context, this article points out that on the one hand, China is increasingly expected to concern itself with the global responsibilities of a great power,but as its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with the African continent, Beijing is more and more compelled to consider its national interest and to protect those interestsin Africa. Consequently, China's growing involvement in peacekeeping has become more difficult to reconcile with the country's commitment to non-interventionism, particularly as witnessed in the case of South Sudan.

The Act Number 20 of 2003 concerning System of National instructed that international standard education unit be opened in every regency/city in every part of Indonesia as an attempt made to anticipate the globalized era. This study was intended to understand the forms of hegemony of PBI and the factors contributing to it at Public Senior High School 78 Jakarta. In the present study, the Theory of Hegemony, the Theory of Discourse of Power/Knowledge, and the Theory of Social Practice were eclectically used with qualitative approach. The data were taken from documents, brochures, mass media, experts in education, community leaders, teachers, students, parents and the headmaster. The data were taken through interview, observation and documentary study. The data were validated through the process of triangulation which includes data reduction, data presentation, data verification, and interpretation. The result of the study showed that (1) the hegemony of PBI took place in the forms of the standardization of education, the capitalization of education, the image of international quality, the stratification of education and (2) the factors contributing to the hegemony of PBI were the politics of national education and the discourse of globalism. Hegemony took place in the form of internationalization of eight SNP and "benchmarking" of the quality of education in OECD countries in order to anticipate globalization. It is suggested that the general middle education which reflected the philosophy of national education, Pancasila, need to be reconstructed.

Abstract
International human rights law (IHRL) has struggled to define a standard for determining the extraterritorial applicability of its norms that would reconcile the ethos of universal entitlement, on the one hand, with the centrality of borders in delineating state powers and responsibilities under international law, on the other hand. The case law of the UN Human Rights Committee and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) favors barring states from engaging in conduct outside their borders that would be impermissible if undertaken inside their borders. Still, attempts to demarcate the precise scope of extraterritorial application through allusion to degrees of control over individuals or areas, or by the nature of the obligation itself – have led to unsatisfactory, if not arbitrary results. This article opines a move to functionalism as the basis for extraterritorial applicability – requiring states to protect IHRL in situations they can do so. Under this approach, which takes universality seriously, borders lose much their normative significance. I suggest limiting the functional approach to extraterritorial applicability in accordance with two key notions: (1) the intensity of power relations – factual relations of power entailing direct, significant and foreseeable potential impact – should result in the application of IHRL obligations; or, alternatively, (2) special legal relations – relations of power that put the state in a unique legal position to afford IHRL protection would also justify the imposition of extraterritorial obligations.

Les échanges commerciaux internationaux — qui se sont développés, on le sait, de façon extraordinaire après la 2e guerre mondiale — sont de très loin dominés par les échanges Ouest-Ouest, qui représentent environ la moitié du commerce mondial de marchandises. Mais souligner cette importance des échanges Ouest-Ouest, c'est par là même distinguer corrélativement la part modeste du commerce Est-Ouest (3 % environ du commerce mondial). On ne peut donc pas ne pas s'interroger sur les raisons de cette faiblesse et la réponse qui vient bien sûr le plus spontanément à l'esprit est la suivante : deux systèmes sont ici en présence, le capitalisme et le socialisme, les économies de marché développées et les économies planifiées, et par la suite, les échanges commerciaux entre l'Est et l'Ouest, qui vont se dérouler dans un contexte réglementé (accords intergouvernementaux bilatéraux, etc.), sont soumis à la tension internationale. Il se trouve pourtant des auteurs pour avancer que le développement de ces échanges commerciaux Est-Ouest se fait de manière autonome, indépendante par rapport à la tension internationale entre les deux blocs.
L'auteur de cet article examine successivement les deux hypothèses et parvient à la conclusion que, si les échanges commerciaux Est-Ouest paraissent bien fonction de l'état de la tension politique entre les deux coalitions, il est possible de montrer pourtant que, simultanément, la logique du développement de ces relations économiques Est-Ouest semble dictée par les seuls impératifs économiques.