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Starting from the first 'Women in Politics' workshop, Berlin 1977, the article looks at the development of this new research field within the framework of the ECPR. From a young gender blind political science in the 1950-1970s until today's situation, where papers applying a gender perspective are presented in almost every ECPR workshop, and as many as 300 scholars participated in the First European Conference on Gender and Politics', organised by the ECPR Standing Group on 'Women/Gender and Politics'. The article scrutinises the discussion about 'the male oligarchs of the ECPR' and the accusation of 'separatism'. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractA growing body of research demonstrates that political involvement by Christian religious leaders can undermine the religion's social influence. Do these negative consequences of politicization also extend to Islam? Contrary to scholarly and popular accounts that describe Islam as inherently political, we argue that Muslim religious leaders will weaken their religious authority when they engage with politics. We test this argument with a conjoint experiment implemented on a survey of more than 12,000 Sunni Muslim respondents in eleven Middle Eastern countries. The results show that connections to political issues or politically active religious movements decrease the perceived religious authority of Muslim clerics, including among respondents who approve of the clerics' political views. The article's findings shed light on how Muslims in the Middle East understand the relationship between religion and politics, and they contribute more broadly to understanding of how politicized religious leaders can have negative repercussions for religion.

Most analyses of the judicialization of politics focus on judicial policy-making and rights creation; however when judicialization of politics unfolds in a separation of powers political context courts are also involved in distributing power. The task of power delineation among branches of government is different from policy-making or rights adjudication. Judicializing political disputes about power gives courts the opportunity to alter the balance of institutional power, to create stronger executives (or legislatures) and a stronger (or weaker) role for themselves. To illustrate these points, this article examines how the Chilean Constitutional Tribunal (TC) adjudicated a specific type of separation of powers conflict between the Legislature and the Executive from 1990-2005. The analysis of the TC doctrine overtime highlights how the TC has shifted the balance of power in the policy-making process and augmented its influence within the political system. Adapted from the source document.

Henri Lefebvre's project, developed over decades of research produced a corpus of work that sought to reprioritise the fundamental role of space in the experience and practice of social life. His assertion that there is 'politics of space' provides a challenge to the planning and design of the built environment by emphasising the need to understand the complex of elements involved in 'the production of space'. Lefebvre's approach and his 'cry and demand' for a 'right to the city' reflects the fundamental focus and importance he imparts to the practices, meanings and values associated with the inhabitation and use of the social spaces of everyday life. It will be argued that planning and design theory and practice should seek to address more fully and incorporate Lefebvre's spatial theory as a means to reinvigorate and regenerate the urban as a lived environment, as an oeuvre, as opportunity for inhabitation, festival and play and not merely as a functional habitat impelled by the needs of power and capital.

Henri Lefebvre's project, developed over decades of research produced a corpus of work that sought to reprioritise the fundamental role of space in the experience and practice of social life. His assertion that there is 'politics of space' provides a challenge to the planning and design of the built environment by emphasising the need to understand the complex of elements involved in 'the production of space'. Lefebvre's approach and his 'cry and demand' for a 'right to the city' reflects the fundamental focus and importance he imparts to the practices, meanings and values associated with the inhabitation and use of the social spaces of everyday life. It will be argued that planning and design theory and practice should seek to address more fully and incorporate Lefebvre's spatial theory as a means to reinvigorate and regenerate the urban as a lived environment, as an oeuvre, as opportunity for inhabitation, festival and play and not merely as a functional habitat impelled by the needs of power and capital.

The focus on the everyday in this Special Issue reveals different kinds of emotional practices, their political effects and their political contestation within both micro- and macro-politics in international relations. The articles in this Special Issue address the everyday negotiation of emotions, shifting between the reproduction of hegemonic structures of feelings and emancipation from them. In other words, the everyday politics of emotions allows an exploration of who gets to express emotions, what emotions are perceived as (il)legitimate or (un)desirable, how emotions are circulated and under what circumstances. Consequently, we identify two thematic strands which emerge as central to an interrogation of 'everyday' emotions in international relations and which run through each of the contributions: first, an exploration of the relationship between individual and collective emotions and, second, a focus on the role of embodiment within emotions research and its relationship with the dynamics and structures of power.

This thesis examines the impact of coexisting modern and traditional governance institutions as they are experienced in the villages of Timor-Leste. Within some development theory and much development practice, coexisting modern and traditional institutions are often portrayed as binaries and necessarily in opposition. However, the reality is that local communities across Timor-Leste are navigating both 'spheres' of governance on a daily basis. Drawing on fieldwork conducted by the author in the subdistricts of Venilale and Ainaro from July 2008 to February 2009, this thesis provides a detailed empirical analysis of this lived experience within contemporary Timorese villages. It then draws on these insights to provide a more nuanced, contextualised account of the impact of institutional interventions, local governance and democratisation within these villages. Issues around the coexistence of pre-colonial and postcolonial forms of governance are not limited to Timor-Leste; rather, this coexistence is arguably a common experience in most postcolonial states. As such, institutional theory needs to account for this complex reality as it is experienced by millions of people across the world. This thesis argues for a critical approach to institutionalism in order to account for the coexistence of modern and traditional governance institutions. A central argument of this thesis is that this coexistence is best understood through the everyday "politics of mutual recognition" (Tully: 1995). In most cases, the politics of mutual recognition is not something that is formed through legislation but rather comes about as communities engage with modern and traditional institutions in order to fill communal needs, and as leaders engage with these institutions in order to pursue individual political agendas. This thesis critically examines the structured forms of mutual recognition that have formed within the villages of Timor-Leste and the various points of tension and mutual support that have emerged as a result of this ...