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This article delivers a novel economic analysis of US dependence on China for rare-earth elements and sheds light on how Western nations may exploit the limitations of limit pricing to break China's global monopoly in rare-earth element production and refinement. This analytical framework, supported by a comprehensive literature review, the application of microeconomic and industrial organization concepts, and two case-study scenarios, provides several policy recommendations to address the most important foreign policy challenge the United States has faced since the end of the Cold War.

pt. I.Introduction.1.Knowledge, Politics and Governance /John de la Mothe --pt. II.Shifting Dynamics in Science and Government Relations.2.Politics and the Communities of Science /Sanford A. Lakoff.3.Governance and the New Production of Knowledge /Michael Gibbons.4.Government Policy for Industrial Innovation /Lewis Branscomb --pt. III.Evolving Debates in Science Policy and Public Administration.5.Science, Technology and the Tools of the Politico-administrative Trade /Jane Marceau.6.Governmental Organization and Implications for Science and Technology Policy /David M. Hart.7.Autonomy and Accountability for Twenty-first-century Science /Susan E. Cozzens.

Book reviewed in this article:Social Control of Industrial Monopoly Corporate Concentration and Public Policy. By Harry L. Purdy, Martin L. Lindahl, and William A. Carter.United States Foreign Policy: Shield of the Republic, By Walter LippmannThe Theory of Prices, Vol. II By Arthur W. Marget.From Economic Theory to Policy, By E. Ronald Walker.The Garment of God: The htfittence of Nature in HnmaTt Experience. By John C. Merriam.Jack Jones, Fisherman‐Philosopher, By Helen Swift.The Blockade of Germany after the Armistice, 1915–1919. By Suda Lorena Bane and Ralph Haswell Lutz.Christianity and the Family, By Ernest R. Groves

ABSTRACT The pace of industrial and allied infrastructure development in India is encumbered by scarcity in the supply of land. As a result, the state in India has frequently resorted to expropriation of land through conversion of land away from its traditional uses and through displacement of communities. Consequently, land acquisition in the country is mired in disputes over human rights and environmental rights violations. In the face of continued political support for infrastructure-led development in India, those who stand to lose their land have often resorted to judicial recourse for pressing their rights. This article draws on empirical evidence from court cases related to two urban development projects in the states of Karnataka and Kerala to examine how courts have responded to the question of violation of land rights and appeals against land acquisition for the two projects. The author argues that the courts, while responding to the claims against the two projects, have refrained from holding the implementing agencies or the state governments accountable even in cases where there were recognizable incidents of malfeasance. The article illustrates that the inability of the courts to confront the state lends a tacit assent to the development agenda of the state.

During the 1970s the picture looked very different. The countries involved in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development gave the impression that they felt it their duty to help the Third World. Since the beginning of the 1980s, however, this attitude has disappeared from the foreign policy agenda of one developed country after another. It seems that only when a state's self-interest is at risk does a concern for humanistic values emerge. Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden -- the key middle powers -- have long been regarded as significantly more responsive to the needs of the Third World than most of the other rich industrialized nations. Middle Power Internationalism helps to identify the scope and limitations of the foreign policies of these middle power countries with respect to what Cranford Pratt terms "humane internationalism." Asbjrn Lvbraek describes the major effort in the 1970s to mobilize middle power support for the New International Economic Order. Bernard Wood considers the prospects for effective co-operation between the middle powers of the North and the South. And Raphael Kaplinsky studies the likely impact of new technologies and new methods of production on the economies, and consequently on the North-South policies, of the industrial middle powers. Cranford Pratt concludes with a reflective essay in which he discusses the constraints upon middle power internationalism and the future of middle power diplomacy

Socialist planning played an enormous role in the economic and political history of the twentieth century. Beginning in the USSR it spread round the world. It influenced economic institutions and economic policy in countries as varied as Bulgaria, USA, China, Japan, India, Poland and France. How did it work? What were its weaknesses and strengths? What is its legacy for the twenty-first century? Now in its third edition, this textbook is fully updated to cover the findings of the period since the collapse of the USSR. It provides an overview of socialist planning, explains the underlying theory and its limitations, looks at its implementation in various sectors of the economy, and places developments in their historical context. A new chapter analyses how planning worked in the defence-industrial complex. This book is an ideal text for undergraduate and graduate students taking courses in comparative economic systems and twentieth-century economic history

"The Chinese economy has been severely affected by the global financial crisis triggered by the United States. China's imports and exports have been shrinking, and many enterprises closely related to international trade have been shut down. China has also been embarrassed by its US$2.1 trillion foreign exchange reserve and anxious to know how to manage it effectively. As the economic situation has become increasingly gloomy and uncertain, social problems such as layoffs have increased, and social security and social stability have inevitably appeared to worsen. This has caught the attention of the authorities. Public policies have to be adjusted and new policies established, and effective countermeasures have to be planned, so as to enable China to survive the crisis. Fiscal, monetary, industrial, and social policies have been initiated and are expected to work. Though their success is difficult to estimate, those measures nevertheless have manifested the determination of the Chinese government to conquer the current difficulties, as it has promised the people."

During the last decade, the approach by businesses and governments toward labor and social issues at the global level has fundamentally changed. Industrial relations are rapidly internationalizing by developing new actors and forms of governance to deal with the regulation of labor. This article looks at the evolution of self‐regulatory standards in the global labor governance debate. Key is that notwithstanding problems with the lacking legal framework of global regulation and enforceability, patterns of local self‐regulation, norm‐setting, and international codes lead not only to higher expectations of the behavior of transnationally operating firms but also to an indirect pattern of regulation. The article argues that particularly the adoption of the core labor standards by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the setup of the Global Compact by the UN serve as points of convergence. A plethora of voluntarist initiatives that converge over time toward a shared understanding of labor standards is part of the transformation of global labor governance institutions.

Rising oil prices, foreign direct investment, and industrial value-added are the key component that affects the economic stature of a country. This study locates the relationship between FDI, rising oil prices, and industry value added on the economic growth of Pakistan. To do the analyses, data length ranging from 1980 to 2020 was used. For the regression results, the analytical technique of Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) is incorporated. The empirical results show that FDI encourages economic growth. Nevertheless, industry value added is also located for positive affectation on economic growth. However, rising oil prices are found to have negative effects on economic growth. Similarly, the combined effect of oil prices and FDI are found discouraging for economic growth. As a policy option, the government of Pakistan must need to encourage FDI inflows and should step up toward industrialization. On the other side, rising oil prices be controlled at the maximum extent as it is damaging to economic prosperity.

There is extensive literature that analyzes the changes in family patterns over the past century. The traditional, modern and current family are familiar styles in relation to historical moments of predominantly rural societies, industrial and services. In correspondence to social changes and family transitions occurring, also in the study of the family is has gone from classical studies in sociology and other social science until the development of family science. One of the current concerns of scientists, family policy and research is to what extent there is convergence in a model change or actually is dominant the diversification of new forms of basic social organization. In this paper we describe and put in relation some of the core elements of social change global, family transitions and institutionalization of Family Science. Adapted from the source document.

A relevant meeting took place in Cadiz (Spain) from the 22nd to the 25th of October 2002: the VI Conferencia Latinoamericana de Zonas Francas-Managerial Forum for the investment and trade between Europe and America, which gathered over 300 representatives of companies established in the free trade areas (industrial/manufacturing, commercial and services), State authorities and other relevant institutions (European Union, Free Zone Consortia, Comité de Zonas Francas de las Américas, etc.). Since 1986 all Spanish Free Zones have been obliged to comply to EEC regulation or to adapt their practices to EEC directives enacted to harmonize the legislation of the Member States; this has meant losing their industrial, their fiscal benefits and their extraterritoriality as they form now part of the EU customs-controlled area. The Free Zones in Spain have played a very important role in developing the Spanish industrial sector and economy. They have been established when the economy of Spain used to be very in-wards. As a matter of fact they have dynamised the economy and created a competitive economic space. Trade links between Spain and Latin America are not new: Spain was the main direct investor in South America in the second half of the 20th century while in the first half the prevailing investment was English and Dutch. Today, particularly strong are the economic and cultural relationships between Spain and the Latin America Countries, may they belong to the Andean Community, MERCOSUR, NAFTA, or ALCA.

A comparison of early social policy in Germany & Japan argues that the welfare state is an important but often overlooked factor that helps to explain the varied performance & different institutions of contemporary market economies. It is maintained that the "ways & means" of economic coordination (based in the firm in Japan & in the industrial sector in Germany) correspond to key institutional features of each nation's welfare state. State intervention in Japan was intended to address problems of high employee turnover & the scarcity of skilled labor without interfering with market forces, while Germany's social legislation was aimed primarily at controlling the worker movement & lessening worker-employer conflicts. In spite of some differences, the welfare states of Germany & Japan integrated labor & capital & targeted welfare entitlements, especially for the industrial workforce. Both welfare states became more unified & universal over time & have helped to achieve a productivity coalition between workers & employers, as well as a trusting, long-term cooperation between economic agents. J. Lindroth

A comparison of early social policy in Germany & Japan argues that the welfare state is an important but often overlooked factor that helps to explain the varied performance & different institutions of contemporary market economies. It is maintained that the "ways & means" of economic coordination (based in the firm in Japan & in the industrial sector in Germany) correspond to key institutional features of each nation's welfare state. State intervention in Japan was intended to address problems of high employee turnover & the scarcity of skilled labor without interfering with market forces, while Germany's social legislation was aimed primarily at controlling the worker movement & lessening worker-employer conflicts. In spite of some differences, the welfare states of Germany & Japan integrated labor & capital & targeted welfare entitlements, especially for the industrial workforce. Both welfare states became more unified & universal over time & have helped to achieve a productivity coalition between workers & employers, as well as a trusting, long-term cooperation between economic agents. J. Lindroth