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This article explores the career of Sophonisba Preston Breckinridge (1866–1948), a pioneering social work educator and a key figure in the professionalization of social work, to suggest how contemporary female social workers may reclaim their historic leadership role in the profession. In particular, it contends that women's relationships were the key to female leadership in the formative decades of the social work profession. It thus suggests that contemporary women social workers may recapture a leadership role by reinvigorating a reform minded and social justice-oriented tradition and reviving a legacy of female mentorship and feminist collaboration.

Since 1997, there has been a general policy trend towards the inclusion and use of the third sector to provide some public services, services which have traditionally been regarded as the responsibility of the State. Over this time, the Government has viewed the third sector as a, "key partner in a mixed economy of public service provision, alongside the public and private sectors�.The third sector includes organisations, which are charitable, "not for profit�, voluntary and community sector, social enterprise, mutuals, co-operatives, and non-governmental organisations and all work independently of governmental direction. Statistics indicate that there are around 250,000 voluntary and community organisations in addition to the 150,000 general charities in existence.2 It is further thought that the sector contributes at least £7 million to the UK economy.3 In 2002, the Rt Hon Paul Boateng, MP, stated: "[O]ur aim must be to build a new partnership using the sector's strengths to challenge and stimulate new ideas, complement our shared objectives and take forward the development of social policy generally. This partnership is about fresh ways of thinking through the role and structure of government and the voluntary sector and the way we deliver public services.� This paper seeks to consider the role of charities in housing, and the increased focus on charities actively discharging rather than *CONVPL 210 supplementing housing services, as part of government initiatives and beyond. In a sense, there is strong feeling that, at the time of writing, the "credit crunch� in the United Kingdom and impending global recession will lead to a "new dawn� for the social housing sector, in which charities may have a significant role to play. The purpose of this paper is to consider the effect of the wider involvement of charities in public service provision in housing the mentally vulnerable. The focus is narrow to allow for clear exposition of the issues, but many of the issues raised will be of interest to all charities dealing with public services and property. The question ultimately is would charitable involvement as a third arm of public service provision exacerbate the existing problems of fragmentation, as well as destroying some of the key advantages of the charitable sector? Answering the questions posed requires the context of charitable involvement to be established, which involves an examination of the role that the charitable, public and private sectors have played in social housing to identify what is new in current thinking; before analysing how charities as primary, rather than supplementary, providers of public housing services might either enable or disable effective service for the mentally vulnerable.

Abstract: In the play Tale-danda, the playwright Girish Karnad deals with the last days of Kalyan-Kranti. Girish wants to highlights social and political conflicts of the Indian society. Age old social ill the caste-system is treated with a special care. Sharanas attempt of abolishing it presented vividly. The inter-caste marriage between the Brahmin bride and the Cobbler bridegroom is the main episode. The marriage attempt and its effects reveal vulgarity of the caste system. The political intrigue of Sovidev against his father Bijjal reveals all time human greed for power. By fusing these two themes Karnad successfully presents the social and political conflicts of the contemporary society.

Our study examines the empirical links between social housing policy and location choices of immigrants in France. More specifically, we characterize the main individual and contextual determinants of the probability for immigrants to live in a HLM (habitations à loyer modéré, dwelling with a moderate rent), which is the main public housing policy in France. For that purpose, we use individual information coming from large (one-fourth) extracts of the French population censuses conducted by INSEE (Paris) in 1982, 1990, and 1999. Our estimates show that, in general, migrants live more frequently in social housing than French natives, other observables being equal. In particular, this probability is higher for migrants from Turkey, Morocco, Southeast Asia, Algeria, Tunisia and Sub-Saharan Africa (in descending order). We find also that migrants of all origins live less often in a HLM when the city has plenty of social housing and when the fraction of natives is high. -- social housing ; migration ; social magnets

In fragile contexts such as Libya where social media penetration is high, foreign social media outlets with political interests can use social media platforms to influence the country's politics. In this study, we assess how social media content varies by the country of the information producer. We create a dataset of Facebook posts about a strongman's recent attack on Tripoli (N=16,662). We find that more than half of the posts originated from outside Libya and that posts from countries aligned with the Tripoli-based government are biased in that direction and posts from countries aligned with the eastern-based strongman are biased toward his forces. However, many Pages are not slanted: the correlations are instead driven by a smaller number of hyperpartisan Pages. Our findings have implications for our understanding of how social media content -- especially from abroad -- shapes citizen perceptions of the legitimacy of competing political actors.

La práctica de la ciudadanía digital en condiciones de equidad es uno de los principalesretos políticos ante las nuevas formas de vida social, política y económica que emergencon el impacto de las TIC. El ejercicio de una ciudadanía digital activa se resume en elderecho y la capacidad para participar plenamente en la sociedad de la información conconfianza, de forma segura y aprovechando al máximo su potencial en beneficio personal.Esta investigación se ocupa del grado en que las mujeres que viven en zonas ruralesejercitan su ciudadanía digital a partir del estudio de prácticas digitales concretas como lagestión de su identidad en red y la participación democrática en redes sociales. En lainvestigación se sigue un diseño cuantitativo basado en encuestas personales a 478mujeres rurales andaluzas con distintos perfiles. Los resultados muestran un ejercicio dela ciudadanía digital moderado con diferencias en función del nivel educativo de lasmujeres y del tamaño de su red. El estudio muestra prácticas digitales necesarias para quelas mujeres rurales participen activamente en estos nuevos entornos en los que seconstruye la ciudadanía. De acuerdo con otros estudios, este trabajo muestra a las redessociales como la tecnología digital con mayor potencial para la inclusión digital de lasmujeres rurales y desvela cómo determinadas prácticas digitales activan la participaciónciudadana e impactan en su bienestar. ; The practice of the digital citizenship in conditions of equity is one of the principalpolitical challenges for the social, political and economic new life forms.These changesemerge with the impact of the new digital technologies. The digital active citizenship isthe right and the aptitude to take part in the society of the information with confidenceand security. Women ́s digital citizenship was a key to maximum exploitation of thebenefits of ICT. This research studies the degree in which the rural women exercise hisdigital citizenship across a particular practices as the management of his identity and thedemocratic participation in social networks and its relation with the well­being. Thisresearch follow a quantitative design based on surveys to 478 rural women fromAndalusia with different profiles. The results show an moderated exercise of the digitalcitizenship with differences to educational level and the size of the network. The studyshows digital practices necessary for rural women to actively participate in these newenvironments in which citizenship is built. According to other studies, this study showssocial networks like digital technology with the greatest potential for digital inclusion ofrural women and reveals how certain digital practices activate citizen participation andimpact on their well being.

This is a penetrating reinterpretation and defense of Hegel's social theory as an alternative to reigning liberal notions of social justice. The eminent German philosopher Axel Honneth rereads Hegel's Philosophy of Right to show how it diagnoses the pathologies of the overcommitment to individual freedom that Honneth says underlies the ideas of Rawls and Habermas alike. Honneth argues that Hegel's theory contains an account of the psychological damage caused by placing too much emphasis on personal and moral freedom. Although these freedoms are crucial to the achievement of justice, they are insufficient and in themselves leave people vulnerable to loneliness, emptiness, and depression. Hegel argues that people must also find their freedom or "self-realization" through shared projects. Such projects involve the three institutions of ethical life--family, civil society, and the state--and provide the arena of a crucial third kind of freedom, which Honneth calls "communicative" freedom. A society is just only if it gives all of its members sufficient and equal opportunity to realize communicative freedom as well as personal and moral freedom

Nella Costituzione italiana la giustizia sociale è elevata a principio supremo, implicante la necessità di un intervento dei pubblici poteri volto a rendere effettivo il riconoscimento dei diritti. Partendo da questo presupposto, l¿Autore esamina nello specifico le previsioni contenute nell¿art. 3 della Costituzione italiana, sottolineando, tra l¿altro, la centralità dell¿attributo ¿sociale¿ che connota l¿affermazione della ¿pari dignità¿ e proponendo una lettura di quelle formule alla luce della complessiva trama costituzionale e delle evoluzioni del costituzionalismo. Sempre meno le politiche pubbliche sembrano orientate al perseguimento dell¿obiettivo della realizzazione dello Stato sociale; troppo spesso si evoca la clausola del ¿possibile e del ragionevole¿ per giustificare l¿incostituzionale obliterazione dei diritti sociali. L¿improprietà dei mezzi impiegati per realizzare la giustizia sociale è la spia della inconsistenza degli obiettivi in concreto perseguiti, tanto in Italia quanto in Europa. Per combattere questa tendenza occorre promuovere una consapevole cultura costituzionale, riscoprire le priorità costituzionali e denunciare qualsiasi sviamento dalle stesse. La rivendicazione dell¿eguaglianza e della pari dignità sociale ha infatti bisogno della cultura, in quanto strumento tra i più efficaci di limitazione del potere e dunque di realizzazione del costituzionalismo. La cultura è aspetto fondamentale della conoscenza, permettendo di comprendere ciò che è; una consapevole cultura costituzionale permette di non rassegnarsi al ¿che così sia¿, di rivendicare con forza un cambiamento proprio attraverso l¿esercizio dei diritti costituzionali (manifestazione del pensiero, anche nella forma della critica politica, associazione, riunione, ecc.). --- In the Italian Constitution social justice is a supreme principle that implies the intervention of public authorities to assure the effectiveness of the recognition of rights. Moving from this premise, the Author examines in particular the provisions contained in art. 3 of the Italian Constitution, emphasizing, among other things, the centrality of the attribute ¿social¿ that characterizes the affirmation of ¿equal dignity¿, and propose a construction of those formulas in the light of the whole Constitution and of the evolution of constitutionalism. Public policies seem to be less and less oriented to the pursuit of the objective of the implementation of welfare state; too often the clause of ¿possible and reasonable¿ is evoked to justify an unconstitutional obliteration of social rights. The impropriety of the means employed to achieve social justice is the indicator of the inconsistency of the objectives pursued in practice, both in Italy and in Europe. To fight this trend, we need to promote a conscious constitutional culture, to rediscover the constitutional priorities and to report any deviation from them. Indeed, the claim for equality and equal social dignity needs to the culture: an effective tool to the limitation of powers and, thus, to the realization of constitutionalism. Culture is a fundamental aspect of knowledge, allowing to understand ¿what it is¿. A conscious constitutional culture avoid the resignation to the ¿so be it¿ and allow a strong assertion for change, precisely through the exercise of constitutional rights (expression of thought, even in the form of political criticism, association, assembly, and so on.). ; Artículo revisado por pares

In England and Wales, the introduction of £9,250 Higher Education tuition fees and concern more broadly about social mobility has led to the creation of a series of initiatives aimed at Widening Participation. Increasingly, critics argue that these initiatives have failed to achieve genuine representativeness, with lower ranked universities absorbing higher numbers of students from under-represented groups, who then face additional challenges in securing progression to employment. In this article, we examine dominant narratives Widening Participation programmes in England and Wales in order to assert means of widening more effectively access, in the first instance, but also retention and progression. Rejecting non-subject-specific instrumental approaches that focus directly on graduate labour market value and earnings, we argue that effective Widening Participation ought to focus centrally on the institutional value of Higher Education and on fostering social capital, especially in lower ranked universities whose graduates are already discriminated against in the labour market. To this end, we evaluate deployment of a Politics-based Widening Participation programme, Rethinking Disadvantage, asserting a set of conclusions for colleagues in other disciplines and institutions seeking to develop their own approaches.