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Between growing ambitions for international aid and limited resources to achieve them, donors and international organisations' repeated normative and performative demands have never been so strong. The dilemmas posed by the often diligent implementation of these requirements by the different international aid actors are nevertheless acute. Adapting to standards calls for the harmonisation, technicalisation and automation of professional processes and practices. At the same time, each actor seeks to display a especially or ability to innovate in a very competitive environment. Despite incessant criticism and the distortions to which it is subject, the international aid system model studied here through a political sociology lens appears to be far from running out of steam.

The International Health Regulations 2005 (IHR) is a legally binding framework which requires 196 WHO Member States to take actions to prevent, protect against, control and provide public health response to the international spread of disease. Improving IHR compliance provides grounds for better health system strengthening, which is key to moving countries closer towards Universal Health Coverage. Multisectoral, collaborative working within and across sectors is fundamental to improving IHR (2005) compliance, and for that, governance is the best lever of the health system. This paper highlights the importance of the relationship between governance and IHR in the context of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which follow the fundamental principle of interdependence; SDGs interlink with one another. We consider governance (SDG 16) and how it influences the IHR capacity of SDG 3 (health and well-being for all at all ages). This paper considers the successes of the Myanmar Ministry of Health and Sports thus far in improving IHR compliance and highlights that an even greater focus on health system governance would lead to more sustainable outcomes. Nurturing an institutional culture with enforced rules, which are conducive for improved accountability through inclusive participation would further improve Myanmar IHR strengthening efforts. Without those principles of good governance, the developed IHR capacities cannot be sustained or owned by Myanmar people. This has now become even more urgent given the current COVID-19 pandemic.

Every theory of social justice and every political philosophy lie on a specific approach of the value granted to an individual subject and to the human dignity. According to the importance given to each principle by a each national society, a multitude of different bioethics models are created, and each are unique. These models are subjected to globalisation and de facto nationals practices are challenged by the avalaibilty of others ethics benchmarks. In this confrontation between the national legal systems, there is an unresolved tension between individuals whishes and public order.Thus, the french prohibition of surrogacy motherhood is circumvented by citizens going abroad to realize an international surrogacy motherhood. In the contexts of movement of people, the sovereign allows or prohibits by using the frontier as a material tool of control. Then the transcription of the filiation established abroad after a surrogacy motherhood reveals a symbolic value : the normativity facing the fait accompli and the french model uniqueness facing the foreign models. In the european area, supranational organisations, can control the substantiality of the solution given by the national judge, in particular regarding fundamental rights.A study of the interactions between overlapped legal systems allows to question their permeability. Indeed, the european court of human rights and the court of justice of the European union can evict private international law's solutions given by the national legal systems. By controlling directly these legal solutions, there is an indirect control of the ethic, political and legal foundations of the national standard. Behind the control of the national public order by the european courts, divergent systems of values are confronting one another. The legal system that dictates its own hierarchy of values is the dominant one, its telos triumphs.The study examines that following the action of the european courts, there is the imposition of an individualist society, where the right of an individual would predominate the power of a sovereign state. The analysis focuses on the divide between an holistic conception of the family where the family is an institution which preexists to the individuals composing it and an individualist conception where the individual aspirations and needs predominates. The analysis reveals the subjectivization of the rights and the competition between the different national models. It raises the question, which are the current and coming components of the national sovereignty. ; Toute théorie de la justice sociale et toute philosophie politique repose sur une conception spécifique de la valeur du sujet individuel et de la dignité de la personne. L'importance accordée à chaque principe par une société crée une multitude de modèles bioéthiques différents et uniques. Ces modèles sont soumis à la mondialisation et remis en question par la mise à dispositions d'autres repères éthiques. Dans cette confrontation entre les systèmes juridiques, il y a une tension irrésolue entre les volontés individuelles et l'ordre public. La prohibition française de la maternité de substitution est contournée par des citoyens qui se rendent à l'étranger pour y pratiquer une maternité de substitution internationale. Dans les situations de circulation des personnes, le souverain autorise ou interdit en utilisant la frontière comme instrument matériel du contrôle. Alors la question de la transcription de la filiation établie à l'étranger suite à une maternité de substitution revêt une valeur symbolique : la normativité face au fait accompli et à la volonté individuelle et l'unicité du modèle français face aux modèles étrangers. Dans l'espace européen, les organisations supranationales peuvent contrôler la substantialité de la solution rendue par le juge interne, notamment vis à vis des droits fondamentaux. L'étude des interactions entre ces systèmes juridiques superposés permet de s'interroger sur leur perméabilité. La Cour européenne des droits de l'homme et la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne peuvent évincer des solutions de droit international privé retenues par les juges internes. Par ce contrôle direct des solutions juridiques, il y a un contrôle indirect des fondements éthiques, politiques et juridiques de la norme nationale. Derrière le contrôle supranational de l'ordre public interne, il y a une confrontation d'ordres de valeurs divergents. Le système juridique qui impose sa hiérarchie des valeurs est le système dominant, son telos triomphe.L'étude s'interroge sur l'imposition, par l'action des organisations supra nationales, d'un modèle de société individualiste où le droit de l'individu primerait sur le pouvoir de l'Etat souverain. L'analyse se concentre sur un clivage entre une conception holiste où la famille est une institution qui préexiste aux individus qui la composent et une conception individualiste où l'individu, ses aspirations et ses besoins priment. L'analyse révèle une subjectivisation des droits et la mise en concurrence des différents modèles nationaux. Se pose alors la question des composantes présentes et à venir de la souveraineté nationale.

In 2005, the International Court of Justice issued three judgments.l In February, the Court upheld an objection to its jurisdiction in Certain Property (Liechtenstein v. Germany). In July, a chamber of the Court issued its judgment on the merits in Frontier Dispute (Benin/Niger). In December, the full Court issued its judgment on the merits in Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda).

This book explores the ways in which democratizing Muslim countries treat their ethnic minorities' requests of inclusiveness and autonomy. The author examines the results of two important cases-the securitization of Kurds in Turkey and the "autonomization" (a new concept coined by the study) of Acehnese in Indonesia-through multiple hypotheses: the elites' power interest, the international factors, the institutions and history of the state, and the ontological security of the country. By examining states with ethnic diversity and very little religious diversity, the research controls for the effect of religious conflict on minority inclusion, and so allows expanded generalizations and comparisons. In non-Muslim majority countries, and in so called "mature democracies," the problem of the inclusion of old or new ethnic minorities is also crucial for the sustainability of the "never-ending" democratization processes. Maurizio Geri is Research Analyst at ACT-NATO, specializing in international security and democratic issues in the regions of Europe, Middle East, and Southeast Asia

The article delves into the historical context of cross-border radio broadcasting during the 1930s by the League of Nations (LN) and the significant impact of Switzerland's neutrality as the host country on this international organization. Drawing from the recently digitized and accessible LN archive in Geneva, this narrative unveils a minor conflict of interest that evolved into a notable political crisis, marking an international legal precedent by showcasing the influence wielded by a smaller host nation upon a global organization. The architects of the League of Nations envisioned Geneva as an ideal hub for the organization's activities, complete with modern communication technologies for global outreach. However, Switzerland's neutral stance posed an obstacle to the establishment of the League's radio broadcasting infrastructure. Recognizing the absence of robust emergency communications, transport links, and the absence of a dedicated radio station in Geneva during the mid-1920s, the LN sought an agreement with the Radio-Swiss station. Consequently, the LN's own radio station, Radio-Nations, commenced broadcasting on February 2, 1932, coinciding with the start of the Conference on the Reduction and Limitation of Arms. By May 1938, amidst mounting tensions in Europe, Switzerland chose to assert complete neutrality within the League. Discussions within the Federal Council revolved around the possibility of suspending the agreement made on May 21, 1930, along with the support for Radio-Nations. Unexpectedly, on November 3, 1938, the LN leadership in Geneva expressed a desire to re-evaluate the 1930 convention. The outbreak of World War II drastically reshaped the relationship between the LN and Radio-Nations. Switzerland decided against entering into a new agreement with the LN, leading to the closure of Radio-Nations on February 2, 1942. Maintaining the nation's neutrality, the Swiss government vigilantly observed the unfolding events during the war. During the peak of Nazi Germany's advances, Bern adopted stringent measures against the LN, upholding a resolute diplomatic stance. However, the Swiss stance toward the LN and the division of Radio-Nations' ownership gradually shifted from 1943, culminating in the resolution of several financial matters. Ultimately, in 1947, the LN's liquidation commission transferred the remaining assets of Radio-Nations and its radio waves to the United Nations.

This publication is a product of the joint conference on counterterrorism, rules of engagement and international order in a UN context, held by the Academy of Military Science (AMS), the Royal Danish Defence College (RDDC) and the Danish Foreign Policy Society. The conference was the third joint AMS-RDDC conference and took place on 12 December 2017 at Svanemøllens Barracks. The publication is edited by Liselotte Odgaard, Associate Professor at the Institute for Military History and War Studies at RDDC, and Charlotte Flindt Pedersen, Director at the Danish Foreign Policy Society. The publication offers unique insights into Chinese and Danish views on counterterrorist operations, rules of engagement and international order, exploring the extent to which the UN will provide platforms for common action in these areas in the future.

Discusses the challenge of transitional justice for emerging democracies & evaluates a variety of tools that might be employed to acheive it. Transitional justice is defined as the effort to deal with human rights abuses perpetrated by former authoritarian regimes. Such justice may serve as closure on the former regime, a platform for victims to seek redress, an ascription of responsibility, a platform for public deliberation, reconciliation, a resource for constructing new laws & institutions, & a beginning toward the promotion of healthy long-term changes. It is suggested that civil society may provide the best arena through which to attain these objectives. Three models of civil society are considered: antigovernmental, associative, & the public sphere. Various instances of the use of civil society in pursuit of transitional justice, eg in Guatemala, Chile, & South Africa, are briefly discussed. It is concluded that international civil society may also play a crucial role in the pursuit of transitional justice in emerging democracies. D. Ryfe