Suchergebnisse

Drawing on a wide range of material, from memoirs of former spy masters to the highly acclaimed TV series Le Bureau des Légendes, this article shows how documentary as well as fictional accounts of double agents cast light on a "dark underside" of the international system. This dark underside is made up of exceptional spaces of secrecy in which intelligence organizations and spies operate. The article's main point of entry when analyzing these spaces is the intimate connection between secrecy and subjectivity. While secrecy as a social practice has received increased attention in sociological accounts of secret intelligence, the constitutive role of secrecy in relation to subjectivity is a much less explored theme. This theme, it is argued, becomes especially valuable for thinking about the conflicting lines that constitute the life and becoming of the double agent. In particular, it can be drawn on to show how this subject both is captured by the transparent norms and limits of the international state system and effectively transgresses those limits. In this way, rather than upholding a dichotomy of secrecy and transparency as two separable sides of the international system, the double agent emerges as a disruptive figure calling for its deconstruction.

International audience ; Since the 1990s, many international institutions have gotten involved in the "fight against cor- ruption" and sought to harmonise national legislations. While a number of international con- ventions against corruption have been adopted they rely on governments' political will to com- ply, especially in the Global North. In the absence of coercive power, international institutions have used knowledge production and the rhetoric of evidence-based policy-making to influence domestic policy-making. This paper is interested in international institutions' use of knowledge and evidence to set the anti-corruption agenda. It questions and deconstruct what they present as evidence, showing that the meaning of the term has evolved overtime. Based on document analysis and interviews with international civil servants and NGO employees, this paper firstly comes back on the value attributed to knowledge in this policy field. It then presents what in- ternational institutions meant by evidence since the emergence of the anti-corruption agenda in the 1990s. Lastly, it critically discusses the use of knowledge and evidence, the function it plays and its effects on anti-corruption policy-making.

International audience ; Since the 1990s, many international institutions have gotten involved in the "fight against cor- ruption" and sought to harmonise national legislations. While a number of international con- ventions against corruption have been adopted they rely on governments' political will to com- ply, especially in the Global North. In the absence of coercive power, international institutions have used knowledge production and the rhetoric of evidence-based policy-making to influence domestic policy-making. This paper is interested in international institutions' use of knowledge and evidence to set the anti-corruption agenda. It questions and deconstruct what they present as evidence, showing that the meaning of the term has evolved overtime. Based on document analysis and interviews with international civil servants and NGO employees, this paper firstly comes back on the value attributed to knowledge in this policy field. It then presents what in- ternational institutions meant by evidence since the emergence of the anti-corruption agenda in the 1990s. Lastly, it critically discusses the use of knowledge and evidence, the function it plays and its effects on anti-corruption policy-making.

India's role in global politics draws increasing attention from the international community. Unprecedented economic growth in the recent past, rising fundamentalism in national politics and the knife-edge of nuclear-fuelled tension with an unstable Islamic government in Pakistan are all bound up in Indian claims to geopolitical ascendance. At the same time, Central Asia has re-emerged as a site of international contestation or a 'new Great Game', with Russia, China and the US vying over security and energy interests in a politically unstable region. In this fresh and penetrating analysis of In

Recent international relations scholarship has adopted the perspective of organizational ecology (OE) to explore a range of questions related to organizational emergence, strategy, and death. These studies draw attention to organizational competition as the mechanism underpinning important transformations in global governance. We argue that existing work in IR that uses OE has overlooked the importance of another strand of sociological theory that focuses on dynamics of mutualism between organizations. We illustrate the importance of mutualism by focusing on a crucial case: the evolution of different "populations" of organizations working in environmental governance during its critical 1970–1990 period. Our analysis demonstrates that as the environmental consciousness of the 1970s took hold, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) increasingly captured new resources and stimulated new attention to the issue. Rather than viewing these new actors as competition, existing international organizations (IOs) sought to incorporate and legitimate INGOs, promoting their growth. And in turn, INGOs sought to support and legitimate the activities of the existing IOs, promoting growth of Secretariats and treaties. Our account offers an important organizational-level story that shows that dynamics of mutualism help account for the increased complexity of global governance.

This paper analyzes the international growth of 82 young technology-based firms in Finland from a resource-based perspective. These firms manufacture electro-mechanical instruments or devices, are independent, technology-based, and internationally active. The analysis focuses on resource leveraging as a mechanism for facilitating international growth. It is suggested that resource leveraging leads to an interesting paradox: the more growth - oriented the firm is, the more embedded it becomes; that is, the higher the number of network relationships the firm has to set up.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1 The Huddled Masses -- Introduction -- Immigration and the Emergence of Modern Sport in America -- Basketball and Urban Space -- Jack Johnson and the Global Business of Boxing -- American Football, Collegiate Athletics, and the Amateur Sport Movement -- America and the Modern Olympic Movement -- Pierre de Coubertin and the 1896 Revival of the Olympic Games -- The 1900 Olympic Games in Paris -- The 1904 Games and the St. Louis World's Fair -- Olympic Fatigue, European Rivalry, and the 1908 London Games -- Melting Pot Athletes and the 1912 Stockholm Games -- Baseball and American Empire -- Foreigners to Fans -- Cannons in the Outfield -- Baseball's World Tours -- Conjuring the National Pastime -- Notes -- Athlete Spotlight #1: Jim Thorpe -- 2 In Service of the State -- Introduction -- The Growing Business of Baseball -- Babe Ruth and the New Sport Media -- The Negro Leagues and Baseball's Continued Growth Abroad -- Professionalization in Other Corners of US Sport -- Professional Football, Hockey, and Basketball in Interwar America -- Re-Professionalizing Boxing in the Nativist 1920s and 1930s -- The Olympics and War -- Olympic Growth in the 1920s and 1930s -- Hitler, Jesse Owens, and the 1936 Berlin Olympics -- US Sport in the Second World War -- Notes -- Athlete Spotlight #2: Babe Didrikson Zaharias -- 3 The Dawn of the Activist Athlete -- Introduction -- Postwar Professional Sport in America -- The NFL Sets the Edge -- The Making of the NBA -- Jackie Robinson, the Black Press, and Baseball's Integration after the Second World War -- Sport Diplomacy and the Cold War -- The Harlem Globetrotters and Cold War Civil Rights -- Wilma Rudolph, Femininity, and the Cold War -- Bill Russell and the Transnational Power of Sport -- Muhammad Ali v. United States.

The US-led coalition which launched an invasion of Iraq on 20 March 2003 led to a decade-long military presence in the country. In the run-up to that invasion, many comparisons were made with the 1991 Gulf War. Ahmed Ijaz Malik takes these two instances of military intervention by Republican US governments to highlight how the official discourse of leaders and decision-makers has an impact on foreign policy and its results. By taking these two examples, he examines how discourse affects real events, and the extent to which the legacy of the Cold War has influenced the decisions which are made at the upper echelons of the US government.--Provided by publsier