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THE AUTHOR REVIEWS THE THEORETICAL HISTORY OF THE INTERNATIONAL REGIME CONCEPT AND ITS DEPLOYMENT WITHIN NEOREALIST, NEOLIBERAL AND INSTITUTIONALIST IR CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS. HE ARGUES THAT THE FIVE CRITICISMS OR "DRAGONS" LEVELLED BY SUSAN STRANGE AT THE CONCEPT IN HER 1982 ARTICLE "CAVE! HIC DRAGONES" SIMULTANEOUSLY UNDERESTIMATED THE CONCEPT'S THEORETICAL ORIGINALITY AND EXAGGERATED THE DEGREE TO WHICH IT COMMITTED THEORISTS TO A STATIC, ORDERED AND STATIST CONCEPTION OF THE GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY. THE AUTHOR SHOWS HOW THE CONCEPT CAN BE DEPLOYED WITHIN A CRITICAL, NEO-GRAMSCIAN THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK TO ANALYZE MESO-LEVEL STRUCTURES AND THE ROLE THAT GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY ACTORS ARE PLAYING IN CONTESTING THE NORMATIVE STRUCTURES, PROCEDURES AND COMPLIANCE MECHANISMS OF EXISTING AND PROSPECTIVE INTERNATIONAL REGIMES.

Security studies is again reflecting on its origins and debating how best to study in/security. In this article, we interrogate the contemporary evolutionary narrative about (international) security studies. We unpack the myth's components and argue that it restricts the empirical focus of (international) security studies, limits its analytical insights, and constrains the sorts of interlocutors with whom it engages. We then argue that these limitations can at least partially be remedied by examining the performance of identities and in/securities in everyday life. In order initially to establish the important similarities between (international) security studies and the everyday, we trace elements of the evolutionary myth in Buffy the Vampire Slayer and Angel – which both stand in for, and are, the everyday in our analysis. We then argue that the Buffyverse offers a complex understanding of (identities and) in/security as a terrain of everyday theorizing, negotiation and contestation – what we call the 'entanglement' of in/security discourses – that overcomes the shortcomings of (international) security studies and its myth, providing insights fruitful for the study of in/security. In conclusion, we briefly draw out the implications of our analysis for potential directions in (international) security studies scholarship and pedagogy.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Table of Contents -- Body -- I. Einleitung -- I.1 Forschungsstand und Erkenntnisinteresse -- I.2 Zeitlicher und geografischer Untersuchungsrahmen -- I.3 Methodik und Quellencorpus -- I.4 Die politische Öffentlichkeit -- I.5 Aufbau der Untersuchung -- II. Die konfessionelle Historiografie über den Religionskrieg -- II.1 Die katholische Historiografie religiös begründeter Kriegsführung -- II.1.1 Der islamische Religionskrieg und der christliche Religionskrieg gegen den Islam -- II.1.2 Vom Heiden- zum Ketzerkreuzzug und die Frage nach Charakter und Behandlung des Protestantismus -- II.1.3 Die katholische Herrschermemoria -- II.1.4 »Une foi, un roi, une loi« -- II.1.5 Zwischenfazit: Die katholische Historiografie religiös begründeter Kriegsführung -- II.2 Die Protestantische Historiografie zum Religionskrieg: Zwischen Untertanentreue und Verteidigung des eigenen Glaubens -- II.2.1 Der katholische Klerus als Hauptverantwortlicher der Religionskriege -- II.2.2 Die Entwicklung hugenottischer Religionskriegshistori-ografie: Von der protestantischen Untertanentreue zur Rechtfertigung protestantischen Widerstands -- II.2.3 Gegensätze protestantischer Erinnerung im Reich -- II.2.4 Die englische Historiografie zum Religionskrieg: Von der inneren Auseinandersetzung zur Intervention zum Schutz fremder Untertanen -- II.2.5 Historische Interventionsbegründungen -- II.2.6 Die Historiografie zum Religionskrieg als Auslöser für die protestantische Toleranzdebatte und Irenik -- II.2.7 Zwischenfazit: Die Protestantische Historiografie zum Religionskrieg: Zwischen Untertanentreue und Verteidigung des eigenen Glaubens -- II.3 Zwischenfazit: Die konfessionelle Historiografie über den Religionskrieg -- III. Aktualisierung des Religionskrieges in der europäischen Tagespublizistik: Gegenseitiges Misstrauen und gegenseitige Solidarität

The purpose of this article is to present and attempt to assess the implementation of security policy of Civic Platform submitted in its election programs since the first start in the parliamentary elections of this formation until the general election in October of 2015. There will be analyzed primarily in this article the manifestos prepared for the parliamentary elections because they contain much more contents about the security than the programmes prepared before the voting to the European Parliament.

The purpose of this article is to present and attempt to assess the implementation of security policy of Civic Platform submitted in its election programs since the first start in the parliamentary elections of this formation until the general election in October of 2015. There will be analyzed primarily in this article the manifestos prepared for the parliamentary elections because they contain much more contents about the security than the programmes prepared before the voting to the European Parliament.

The purpose of this article is to present and attempt to assess the implementation of security policy of Civic Platform submitted in its election programs since the first start in the parliamentary elections of this formation until the general election in October of 2015. There will be analyzed primarily in this article the manifestos prepared for the parliamentary elections because they contain much more contents about the security than the programmes prepared before the voting to the European Parliament.