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Summary The aim of this article is to propose a notion of political imagination on the basis of an iconological approximation of a piece that has been developed and identified as a political art. I start from an understanding of the iconology based on Georges Didi-Huberman, which is confronted with the work Lavorare with Lentezza, a collective design of approximately 5 x 1.2 metres, produced by the Mexican community Cooperativa Cráter invested, and presented in the Venice Bienal, 2015. Development of three sections covering the time of creation, exhibition and reception of the work, respectively. At the same time, I make a definition of political imagination in line with the references and derivations that I can now allow. Finally, I propose a notion of political imagination which I am addressing, but not exhaustive, definitive and far from excluding other proposals that may exist on the subject. ; Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es proponer una noción de imaginación política a partir de una aproximación iconológica de una pieza que ha sido elaborada e identificada como arte político. Parto de una comprensión de la iconología basada en Georges Didi-Huberman la cual se confronta a la obra Lavorare con Lentezza, un dibujo colectivo de 5 X 1.2 metros aproximadamente, elaborado por el colectivo mexicano Cooperativa Cráter Invertido, y presentada en la Bienal de Venecia, 2015. Desarrollo tres apartados que abarcan los momentos de creación, exhibición y recepción de la obra, respectivamente. Al mismo tiempo, hago una definición de imaginación política en consonancia con las referencias y derivaciones que cada momento me permite. Por último, propongo una noción de imaginación política apegada al caso que abordo, pero no exhaustiva, definitiva ni mucho menos excluyente de otras propuestas que pueda haber sobre el tema.

RESUMEN This article addresses cultural transfers and political ownership of visual culture in the territories of the Hispanic monarchy. For this purpose, the documentary sources resulting from the celebrations on the occasion of the birth of Prince Baltazar Carlos (1631) and Carlos II (1663), which took place in Quito, an important urban centre in the Andean north, and Pamplona, in the north-eastern part of the New Kingdom of Granada respectively, are used. Although these sources are textual and lack graphic representations, we consider that the main feature of these chronic festivals is that they are generator of visuality based on textuality, which is why they function as a visual narrative also known as Ecfrasis. In this specific case 1, this is a visual narrative built by the service providers with the intention of claiming their role in a context of particular conflict with the imperial authorities. ; RESUMEN Este artículo aborda las transferencias culturales y la apropiación política de la cultura visual en los territorios de la monarquía hispánica. Para tal fin, se utilizan las fuentes documentales emanadas de las celebraciones con ocasión del nacimiento de los príncipes Baltazar Carlos (1631) y Carlos II (1663), celebraciones que tuvieron lugar en Quito, importante centro urbano del norte andino, y Pamplona, en el nororiente del Nuevo Reino de Granada, respectivamente. Si bien estas fuentes son textuales y carecen de representaciones gráficas, consideramos que la característica principal de estas crónicas festivas es que son generadoras de visualidad a partir de la textualidad, razón por la cual funcionan como un relato visual también conocido como écfrasis. En este caso en concreto1, se trata de un relato visualconstruido por los encomenderos con la intención de reivindicar su rol en un contexto de especial conflicto con las autoridades imperiales.

Target Summary: Consideration is being given to the way in which national governments implement their commitments to promote the development of educational inclusion in order to tackle the problem of child migration, and to propose alternatives that meet the real needs of the affected population. Methodology. This document corresponds to a literature review around the subject of child migration and educational inclusion. A total of 29 articles were selected, published over a period of time from 2004 to 2020, mainly in the Latin American region. All in all, the articles conceptualise the issue of educational inclusion, analyse the problems that have arisen for quality education due to the development of migration, and propose strategies to tackle this situation. As a first step of the study, it became apparent that there was a low level of production in terms of the subject, and it was decided to evaluate it from three different categories: 1. educational inclusion, 2. migration and inclusion and 3. child migration and educational inclusion. These categories were progressively placed and made it possible to draw a historical line on the development of the concepts. Results. Research results show that the concept of educational inclusion applied to the migrant child population has been underdeveloped. However, there are interesting reflections that reflect a theoretical transformation, which should be fully explored in order to contribute to public policy design and substantive transformations. Conclusions. The conclusions suggest that such a transformation does not only have an impact on the migrant child, but also on her classmates, teachers, their surroundings and family, among other factors, so this reflection process is needed to understand inclusion in a multicultural context. ; Resumen Objetivo: Se plantea una reflexión sobre la forma en la cual los gobiernos nacionales implementan los compromisos adquiridos para favorecer el desarrollo de la inclusión educativa para enfrentar la problemática de la ...

Summary: Since 2008, the policy of economic districts in the City of Buenos Aires is the main interventions aimed at extending and deepening the process of urban renewal in areas historically relegated by the capital and the State. Bearing in mind the leading role played by local government, the aim of this work is to present and analyse some of the territorial effects of this policy, in particular on the development of the land and real estate market towards the south of the city. The qualitative quantitative methodological strategy was based on an analysis of offers for the sale of land, departments, offices and commercial premises between 2003 and 2017. This was combined with the analysis of documents and interviews conducted to inform you key. Among the results, a process of property appreciation in the south of the City is verified and the exclusionary effects of this policy are discussed. ; Resumen: Desde el año 2008, la política de distritos económicos en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires nuclea las principales intervenciones orientadas a extender y profundizar el proceso de renovación urbana en áreas históricamente relegadas por el capital y el Estado. Reco nociendo el papel protagónico que asume el gobierno local, el objetivo de este trabajo es presentar y analizar algunos de los efectos territoriales de esta política, en particular sobre la valorización en el mercado inmobiliario y de suelo, hacia el sur de la Ciudad. La estrategia metodológica, de tipo cuali-cuantitativa, se basó en un análisis de las ofertas de venta de terrenos, departamentos, oficinas y locales comerciales, entre los años 2003 y 2017. Esto se combinó con el análisis de documentos y entrevistas realizadas informan tes clave. Entre los resultados, se verifica un proceso de valorización inmobiliaria en el sur de la Ciudad, y se discuten los efectos excluyentes de esta política.

Summary The aim of this work is to object to one of the central principles of the representative theory of the Mente (TRM): the idea that the notion of internal representation plays a central role in explaining cognitive activity. According to TRM, the cognitive life of an organisation consists essentially of the training, processing and storage of internal representations. Such representations are seen as specific objects or events capable of having a causal influence on the cognitive processes of the organisms. Set out in the form of a dilemma, the objection seeks to show the difficulties inherent in the postulation of internal representations, given the way in which those representations and their operation were conceived in the very context of the TRM. The question it introduces to the dilemma is: by virtue of which properties an internal representation influences the cognitive activity of an organisation? Two answers are possible: by virtue of its representative properties or by virtue of its non-representative properties. Using an explanatory methodology, the problematic consequences of each of these answers to the formulated dilemma will be shown and two important examples of literature will be discussed to illustrate these difficulties. The main conclusion of the article is that the notion of internal representation is unable to fulfil the explanatory function assigned to it by TRM itself. ; Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar una objeción a uno de los principios centrales de la Teoría Representacional de la Mente (TRM): la idea de que la noción de representación interna tiene una función primordial en la explicación de la actividad cognitiva. De acuerdo con la TRM, la vida cognitiva de un organismo consiste esencialmente en la formación, procesamiento y almacenamiento de representaciones internas. Tales representaciones son vistas como objetos o eventos concretos capaces de influir causalmente en los procesos cognitivos de los organismos. Expuesta en forma de dilema, la objeción pretende ...

the recent Order No 2021-484 of 21 April 2021 on arrangements for the representation of self-employed workers using platforms for their activities and the conditions under which such representation is exercised is a further step in the attempt by the French judge and the French legislature to clarify the legal regime applicable to platform workers. The first stage of the implementation of the 2 Frouin report, this Ordinance complements the title which the Labour Code devotes to workers using an electronic link platform (Articles L. 7341-1 to L. 7345-6), originally introduced by Law No 2016-1088 of 8 August 2016, known as the El Khomri Law. ; International audience ; the recent Order No 2021-484 of 21 April 2021 on arrangements for the representation of self-employed workers using platforms for their activities and the conditions under which such representation is exercised is a further step in the attempt by the French judge and the French legislature to clarify the legal regime applicable to platform workers. The first stage of the implementation of the 2 Frouin report, this Ordinance complements the title which the Labour Code devotes to workers using an electronic link platform (Articles L. 7341-1 to L. 7345-6), originally introduced by Law No 2016-1088 of 8 August 2016, known as the El Khomri Law. ; La récente Ordonnance n°2021-484 du 21 avril 2021, relative aux modalités de représentation des travailleurs indépendants recourant pour leur activité aux plateformes et aux conditions d'exercice de cette représentation, constitue une nouvelle étape dans la tentative de clarification du régime juridique applicable aux travailleurs des plateformes, à laquelle se livrent en une danse bien peu coordonnée le juge et le législateur français. Premier étage de la mise en oeuvre du rapport Frouin 2 , cette Ordonnance vient compléter le titre que le Code du travail consacre aux travailleurs utilisant une plateforme de mise en relation par voie électronique (Articles L. 7341-1 à L. 7345-6), initialement introduit par la ...

The doctrine of duress is common to other bodies of law, but the application of the duress doctrine is both unclear and highly unstable in immigration law. Outside of immigration law, a person who commits a criminal act out of well-placed fear of terrible consequences is different than a person who willingly commits a crime, but American immigration law does not recognize this difference. The lack of clarity leads to certain absurd results and demands reimagining, redefinition, and an unequivocal statement of the significance of duress in ascertaining culpability. While there are inevitably some difficult lines to be drawn in any definition or application of the doctrine, as a general matter, it is well established everywhere but in immigration law that varying levels of culpability exist and that those variations matter. U.S. criminal law has long recognized the principle of duress in both common law and criminal statutes. International criminal law and international refugee law both largely mirror these domestic principles. While certainly not reaching the level of a jus cogens norm, the synchrony among the bodies of law is striking, and the distinctions are relatively small. These diverse bodies of law share core elements: that the person acted from fear of imminent and grave consequences, that the fear was "well-grounded," and that the person had no real opportunity to escape to avoid committing the act. Almost in tandem, the domestic criminal law and international law reflect a concern that punishment be meted out in relationship to culpability and recognize that duress diminishes culpability. Immigration law is the straggler and outlier to this otherwise richly developed legal landscape. As seen through the small variations in Ana's story, the duress doctrine manifests in very different ways in immigration law and with important gaps. It might reduce the likelihood of a criminal case feeding into immigration removals. It might provide affirmative benefits, in the case of our trafficking law—not merely a ...

International audience Since the beginning of the sixties of the last century, several philologists have studied the presence of significant parallels between the representation of Dionysus offered by Euripides' Bacchae and that which is at the heart of Aristophanes' Frogs,, parallels that the relative chronology of these two plays has undoubtedly helped to underline. These data have been interpreted in different ways, being most often put on the account of the myth to which the two plays refer or of the comic parody of the tragedy. I propose to reconstruct the main stages of this debate, while making my own contribution. My hypothesis is that the parallels identified by the researchers are to be understood within the framework of an inter-generic poetic rivalry between Euripides and Aristophanes. In this perspective, the fact that Dionysus is the protagonist of both plays cannot be dissociated from his function as representative of two antagonistic conceptions of theater. These are expressed in particular by means of transvestism in the initiatory scenarios that conclude the Bacchae and open the Frogs.

In the context of a political reading of physiocracy, this article aims to highlight the economic matrices of the narrative on rights developed in France in the xviiy century, and their implications for the gender developed in particular by Condorcet, one of the revolutionary protagonists close to physiocracy. With this in mind, we propose a review of the contribution of the political rationalism of physiocracy to the Declaration of Human Rights, conceived in its universalism, which leads, in Condorcet's democratic thinking, to the rejection of the political difference between men and women. ; According to a political investigation of the Physiocracy, this article aims at highlighting the economic foundations of the 18th century French discourse on rights and its gender implications, developed particularly by Condorcet, one of the French revolutionary leaders close to the Physiocracy. By this perspective, the author offers a new reading of Physiocratic political rationalism and of its contribution to the Déclaration des droits de l'homme. Combining this approach with his democratic faith, Condorcet attained to reject any political difference among men and women. ; In the context of a political reading of physiocracy, this article aims to highlight the economic matrices of the narrative on rights developed in France in the xviiy century, and their implications for the gender developed in particular by Condorcet, one of the revolutionary protagonists close to physiocracy. With this in mind, we propose a review of the contribution of the political rationalism of physiocracy to the Declaration of Human Rights, conceived in its universalism, which leads, in Condorcet's democratic thinking, to the rejection of the political difference between men and women. ; Dans le cadre d'une lecture politique de la physiocratie, cet article a pour objet de mettre en relief les matrices économiques du discours sur les droits élaboré en France au xviiie siècle, ainsi que leurs implications sur le genre élaborées en particulier par ...

Kann Kunst heilen? Dieser Frage geht (die Autorin) mittels einer medienwissenschaftlichen Neubestimmung von Michel Foucaults Konzepten der Techniken des Selbst sowie der Sorge um sich nach und analysiert die Medien und Ästhetiken von Christoph Schlingensief und Elfriede Jelinek als ästhetische Therapeutiken. Am Beispiel der späteren Arbeiten des Theater-, Film- und Aktionskünstlers Christoph Schlingensief zeichnet sich die moderne politische und ästhetische Geschichte von Kunst als Medium der Therapeutik ab: Der Wunsch nach einer Gesundheit des Denkens, Empfindens wie Lebens verschränkt sich dabei mit der biopolitischen Geschichte moderner, ästhetischer Heilsprogramme. Schlingensiefs Versuch, sich selbst zu heilen, schreibt sich in einen Komplex von Kunstreligion, modernem Vitalismus und Kolonialgeschichte ein. Elfriede Jelineks monumentaler Onlineroman "Neid (Mein Abfall von allem) - Ein Privatroman" experimentiert mit literarischem Schreiben in virtuellen Räumen und entwirft einen autobiographischen Roman, der jeder Form literarischer Subjektkonstitution eine feministische Absage erteilt. Diese Poetik erweist sich als Programm einer spezifisch modernen Sorge um sich: Medientechnisch ermöglicht durch das Heilsversprechen eines von der Realwelt abgetrennten Cyberspace, übt Jelinek im Format des frühen Onlinetagebuchs eine digitale Askese in virtueller Unendlichkeit, Leere und Weite und gibt so Raum für eine komplexe poetische Reflexion des Verhältnisses von Medien, Empfindung und Subjektivierung. Die Studie rückt zeitgenössische Medien der Sorge als Übungen der Heilung, der Gesundheit und des Überlebens in den Blick, und verbindet diese mit einer Archäologie der ästhetischen und medialen Geschichte moderner Konzepte von Gesundheit und Heilung.

International audience ; In Brazil, the last decades have been characterized by a sharp increase in the crime rate, mainly due to the high number of homicides, accompanied by the growth of the prison population, the strengthening of criminal factions that act in correctional institutions and the inefficiency of the state machine in the fight against crime. In this article, we will address each of these issues, as well as highlighting the current improvement in violence rates and the fight against organized crime through the joint action of the state and federal governments of Brazil. ; En Brasil, las últimas décadas se han caracterizado por un fuerte aumento en la tasa de criminalidad, especialmente debido al alto número de homicidios, acompañado por el crecimiento de la población carcelaria, el fortalecimiento de las facciones criminales que trabajan dentro de las instituciones correccionales y por la ineficiencia de la máquina estatal para combatir el crimen. En este artículo abordaremos cada uno de estos temas, como también destacaremos la mejora actual en las tasas de violencia y la lucha contra el crimen organizado, a través de la acción conjunta de los gobiernos estatales y federales de Brasil.

Across the globe, education has recently been through a major semantic shift, where new notions such as 'learning', 'competences', 'projects' came to replace or complement an older, more established, educational vocabulary. The political approach to education has also evolved, as many authors have underlined, from established national forms of governing to global, transnational forms of governance. These evolutions, often abbreviated to shifts 'from teaching to learning' and 'from governing to governance' have resonated globally and attracted the attention of researchers. Most sociological accounts of such evolutions attribute them to the development and primacy of a preponderant logic, generally politics/power, culture or the economy. Niklas Luhmann's systems theory, on which we draw in this article, suggests to start from a different, opposite, premise: not the predominance but instead the lack of any predominant logic characterizes modernity. The functional differentiation of modern society into a multiplicity of—specific yet universal—systems should therefore be the pivotal point that helps make sense of these transformations. We argue that the very coexistence of such systems, their simultaneous and therefore uncoordinated existences, increases the complexity of the social world tremendously and leaves them with an uncertain future. The so-called turns to governance and to learning, we argue, should be understood, respectively, as political and educational attempts to deal with this loss of direction.

International audience The threat of sociopolitical instability is a perennial subject of political debate in Cameroon, even though the country's stability has never really been challenged since independence. Given this omnipresent discussion on the need to preserve social cohesion, the aim of the present study was to analyze social representations of risk. Two studies were carried out among two samples (N1 = 31 and N2 = 156) of Cameroonians with higher education diplomas. Data collected by means of free association and characterization questionnaires were subjected to hierarchical, similarity and Q-sort analyses. These revealed that governance failures are regarded as factors that might undermine social cohesion. Comparative analysis of the risk representations of the country's different ethnic groups revealed several differences. Previous research had emphasized the importance of proximity to the object in the construction of a social representation, and this was also evident in the present study, as social representations of risk for both the whole sample and the different ethnic groups were structured around specific threats or ills that undermine Cameroonian society. ; La menace d'instabilité sociopolitique est un sujet de débat politique récurrent au Cameroun alors que la stabilité du pays n'a vraiment pas été remise en cause depuis l'accession du pays à l'indépendance en 1960. Face à l'omniprésence du débat sur la nécessité de préserver la cohésion sociale, cette étude avait pour objectif de mettre en évidence les représentations sociales du risque. Deux études qualitative et quantitative ont été réalisées auprès de deux échantillons (N1 = 31 et N2 = 156) de Camerounais diplômés de l'enseignement supérieur. La tâche d'associations libres et le questionnaire de caractérisation administrés aux participants ont été respectivement soumis à une analyse hiérarchisée, une analyse de similitude (associations libres) et à une analyse Q-sort (questionnaire de caractérisation). Les données analysées indiquent que ...

the European Union, the employers, the French political elites, have started to transform the university into what Max Weber already saw in 1917, 'a company', in which research teachers become intellectual employees hired (or debarred) by a chief executive officer. This is all the easier to carry out as successive and contradictory measures have disorganised the university. This company, whose aims are to 'merge' research and 'professionalise' education, can only succeed if it is to operate as effectively as possible. Reinforcing the power of the 'chief executive' is therefore essential if the company is to attract the most renowned research teachers, distribute students as effectively as possible and obtain credit from the State, the Region and the private sector in order to compete on highly competitive markets. Under these conditions, the 'products and training' of such an undertaking should be well adapted to the requirements of the labour market and the 'products and knowledge' useful to capitalist firms for the conquest of consumers. In short, capitalism was supposed to transform the last self-employed workers, which were still, recently, the academics — free to choose their research and teaching, electing their successors and representatives, taking decisions in collegial assemblies — into employees enrolled in his service. ; Die Europäische Union, die Arbeitgeber, die politischen Eliten Frankreichs haben sich vorgenommen, die Universität in das zu verwandeln, was Max Weber 1917 bereits dämmern sah, "eine Firma", in der Lehrer-Forscher von einem Präsidenten - Direktor intellektuell (oder ausschweifend) angestellt werden . Diese Operation ist umso leichter durchzuführen, als sukzessive und widersprüchliche Maßnahmen die Universität desorganisiert haben. Dieses Unternehmen, dessen Ziel es ist, die Forschung zu "kommodifizieren" und die Lehre zu "professionalisieren", kann nur erfolgreich sein, wenn es seinen Betrieb so gut wie möglich "managt". Die Stärkung der Macht des "Chairman-Director" ist daher ...

Summary. This summary aims to show, through the review of testimonial and institutional sources, revisionist and regional histories, that research into the development of the Mexican Army and Navy during the Porfiriato (1876-1911), mainly in its processes of 'professionalisation' and in the relationship between education and political power, changed gradually between the 960s and the 1980s, from 'personalists' stories to structural explanations and more and more complex interpretations. In addition, I will take the happy rebellion (October 1912) to test how the same interpretations have been reproduced in a case study as in general studies, including the change in the 1960s to 1980s. ; Resumen En el presente balance historiográfico se pretende mostrar, a través de la revisión de fuentes testimoniales e institucionales, historiografía revisionista y regional, que las investigaciones sobre el desarrollo del Ejército y Marina mexicanos durante el Porfiriato (1876-1911), principalmente en sus procesos de "profesionalización" y en la relación entre educación y poder político, tuvieron un cambio paulatino entre la década de l960 y 1980, al pasar de ser historias "personalistas" a dar explicaciones estructurales y a complejizar cada vez más las interpretaciones. Además, tomaré a la rebelión felicista (octubre 1912) para probar cómo en un estudio de caso se han reproducido las mismas interpretaciones que en los estudios generales, incluyendo el cambio en las décadas de 1960 a 1980.