Suchergebnisse

Track two diplomacy is designed to deal with conflicts that are deemed to be intractable, because the rational calculation
of the antagonists leads to a zero-sum game. Track two diplomacy is non-official, it acts on the perceptions and beliefs and
is expected to change the way each actor perceives their strategic interests and threats to their core values. We apply the
conceptual frames derived from track two diplomacy theories to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because it was a typical case
of an intractable conflict transformed with track two diplomacy initiatives. Successful track two diplomacy initiatives were
initiated by a third party that socialised the antagonistic elites – i. e. US official and non-official actors, or think tanks. They
were combined with track one-and-a-half diplomacy, with an effect on the track one, i. e. the official diplomatic negotiations
on peace. Nevertheless, that did not lead to the in-depth transformation on the grassroots level advocated by peace and conflict resolution organisations.

Abstract
Sexual conflict theory has been successfully applied to predict how in non-human animal populations, sex ratios can lead to conflicting reproductive interests of females and males and affect their bargaining positions in resolving such conflicts of interests. Recently this theory has been extended to understand the resolution of sexual conflict in humans, but with mixed success. We argue that an underappreciation of the complex relationship between gender norms and sex ratios has hampered a successful understanding of sexual conflict in humans. In this paper, we review and expand upon existing theory to increase its applicability to humans, where gender norms regulate sex ratio effects on sexual conflict. Gender norms constrain who is on the marriage market and how they are valued, and may affect reproductive decision-making power. Gender norms can also directly affect sex ratios, and we hypothesize that they structure how individuals respond to market value gained or lost through biased sex ratios. Importantly, gender norms are in part a product of women's and men's sometimes conflicting reproductive interests, but these norms are also subject to other evolutionary processes. An integration of sexual conflict theory and cultural evolutionary theory is required to allow for a full understanding of sexual conflict in humans.

The article represents an effort to conceptualize energy security issues of the four post-Soviet de facto states: Republic of Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and Republic of South Ossetia. The author considers: relevant conceptual issues; the structure of post-Soviet de facto states' energy consumption; the role of energy security issues in the context of post-Soviet de facto states' relations of conflict and interdependence with their parent states; issues of development of these states' energy sectors to enhance their energy security; societal and environmental aspects of de facto states' energy security. The author concludes that the energy security agendas of these four polities are largely similar. Unlike major economies, they do not face a primary threat to their oil supplies, while the issue of supplying residential consumers with electricity and natural gas is of utmost importance to them. The energy security agenda plays an ambiguous role in the context of the relationships between these four de facto states and their parent states. In some cases, it exacerbates existing contradictions, while in other cases, it facilitates peaceful and constructive resolution. At present, the majority of post-Soviet de facto states are unable to fully meet their gas and electricity needs, with only Transnistria being capable of exporting electricity, provided that it receives a sufficient volume of gas from external sources. Energy problems play an ambiguous role in the conflicts between post-Soviet de facto states and their parent states. Sometimes the parties use these problems as leverage for pressure. However, in other cases, finding mutually acceptable solution for energy issues becomes an incentive for constructive cooperation. Sometimes parent states even bear the burden of debts and other expenses because they still claim sovereignty over their "breakaway territories". Overall, due to extremely limited economic potentials and nonrecognition, post-Soviet de facto states have achieved, at best, limited results in safeguarding their energy security.

La tesi sostiene che, mentre molte teorie di pianificazione si sono concentrate sulle differenze, il multiculturalismo e risoluzione dei conflitti sociali, non c'è ancora sufficiente approfondimento su come queste differenze possano restare profondamente irrisolte e come questa debolezza possa essere fortemente legata a razionalità contrastanti e a una sorta di "slittamento dei livelli di senso" o "equivoci" cognitivi tra i soggetti coinvolti (Bourdieu e Wacquant, 1992). Soprattutto in termini di conflitti urbani espliciti, generati non da opposti interessi economici o differenti volontà politiche, ma semplicemente da differenti background culturali e comportamentali, il livello cognitivo di com-prensione tra le persone coinvolte ha un ruolo fondamentale in termini di consapevolezza e di effi-cacia delle scelte. Dunque il legame tra pianificazione, governance, contesti istituzionali e partecipazione delle comu-nità è, prima di tutto, una questione di reciproca, profonda e vera comprensione, piuttosto che la continua ricerca di nuovi strumenti e politiche. Partendo dalla convinzione che i conflitti siano una fonte incredibile di soluzioni creative e inaspet-tate all'interno dei contesti urbani, dei sistemi di pianificazione e di condivisione di valori, questo lavoro si propone di sondare come la Mobilitazione Cognitiva (Dalton, 1984), per la cura e la prote-zione di un bene comune, può essere in grado di guidare una comunità nella lotta per i propri diritti, permettendo l'acquisizione di conoscenze politiche e abilità specifiche per il raggiungimento di decisioni condivise collettivamente, la costruzione di nuove forme di azione politica dal basso, nuove processi di educazione (Dolci, 1974) e ampliamento culturale contro il prevaricare di Egemonie politiche e sociali (Gramsci, 2007). Utilizzando metodi quantitativi e qualitativi, l'autore presenta due esperienze di pratiche insorgenti provenienti dall' Europa meridionale: (1) un tradizionale Caso-Studio nell' area marina protetta dell' Arrábida, in Portogallo, per illustrare come la mobilitazione cognitiva, volta alla genuina e profonda comprensione delle istanze portate avanti dalla collettività, può realizzare forme di partecipazione che, guardando ai problemi in termini di risorse, permettono alla comunità di collaborare democra-ticamente cercando soluzioni nuove e condivise in grado di modificare profondamente un piano isti-tuzionale il quale, a causa di una profonda contrapposizione tra poteri gioco e valori espressi, ha ge-nerato forme di conflitto dichiarato, ma anche latente; (2) un caso di Participatory Action Research nella valle del fiume Simeto, in Italia, dove le comunità locali, attraverso una forte mobilitazione collettiva, sono state in grado di difendere e curare il fiume Simeto, il più grande in termini di bacino idrogeologico in un territorio caratterizzato da scarsità idrica come la Sicilia, minacciato dalla scelta istituzionale di collocare un inceneritore proprio in un area fortemente incentrata sull'agricoltura, per il suo sostentamento economico, e profondamente legata al paesaggio circostante, in termini di riconoscimento e senso di appartenenza. Questo lavoro può avere importanti implicazioni sia per la teoria, che per la pratica di pianificazione. La scelta di un approccio multi-disciplinare, inoltre, aiuta nella comprensione di come sia possibile trasformare l'antagonismo in spirito competitivo tra soggetti, diversi per natura e per cultura, concentrandosi principalmente sul rispetto e l'apprendimento reciproco, sulla costruzione di processi veramente inclusivi e sulla scelta di soluzioni davvero condivise. ; The thesis argues that while many planning theories have focused the sight on the social differences, multiculturalism and conflicts resolution, there is not yet sufficient acknowledgement on how these differences can be deeply unsolved and how this weakness could be strongly linked with conflicting rationalities and with a 'cognitive slipping' planes of meaning (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). Especially in terms of inexplicit urban conflicts, generated by not opposite economic interests or political will, but by simply and natural differences of the cultural and behavioral baggage, the cognitive level of understanding between people involved plays a fundamental role in terms of awareness and choices efficacy. So this works wants underlines that the link between planning, governance, institutional adjustments and community engagement is, first of all, a matter of mutual deep and real understanding, rather than new form of tools and policies. Starting from the persuasion that conflicts are an incredible source of unexpected creative solution for urban contexts, planning systems and sharing values, this paper aims to probe how a 'cognitive mobilization' (Dalton, 1984) of a community, for the care and the protection of a common good, can be able to "fight for a right" in terms of acquiring political resource and skills to reach own decisions, and constructing new form of genuine power through education (Dolci, 1974) and culture against a 'dominant discourse' (Gramsci, 2007). Using quantitative and qualitative methods, the author presents two field experiences of insurgent practices in the southern Europe: (1) a traditional Case-Study of a Marine Protected Area in Arrábida, Portugal, to illustrate how a community mobilization, that aims to understand really every form of instance and claim, can realize forms of participation that, first of all, sight problems in term of resources, and then allowed people to work democratically together building new and shared solutions able to modify deeply an institutional plan that, due to a displacement between powers and values, generated forms of conflicts between stakeholders, especially in terms of economic and decision making point of view; (2) a case of Participatory Action Research in the Simeto river valley, Italy, where local communities through a strong mobilization were able to defend and took care the river, the biggest in terms of basin in a scarcity water territory, threatened by the institutional choice to collocated an incinerator in a valley strongly based on agriculture, for its economic sustenance, and deeply linked with the landscape, for its recognition and sense of belonging to . This understanding, it is suggested, has important implications for both planning theory and practice. Choosing a multi-disciplinary approach, this work attempts to explore if and how it is possible to transform the antagonism between enemies in competitive spirit among subjects, different for nature and culture, focusing on respect and mutual learning and on the building up of processes really inclusive and choices really shared

Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do Grau de Doutor em Ciências do Ambiente, pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia ; Environmental conflicts have traditionally been approached from several scientific fields. However, the different theoretical and empirical developments have proceeded in parallel, with often competing descriptive languages. Furthermore, they tend to focus on resolution, while neglecting the role of conflicts as an expression of groups facing social and ecological injustices perpetrated by the hegemony. This research attempted to build a politically useful understanding of why and how environmental conflicts appear, through interdisciplinary bridging and the avoidance of the post-political hegemony. By focusing on an ex-post historical analysis of the conflicts against eucalyptus plantations in Portugal in the late 1980s, it attempted to identify patterns and dynamics that relate to conflicts. Theories were anchored along the concepts of social metabolism and, more particularly, the framework of multiple scale integrated assessment of societal and ecological metabolism (MuSIASEM). An adaptation of MuSIASEM for conflict analysis was iteratively developed with the empirical analysis of the political ecology of the case study. During the pre-analytical phase, an open information space is developed, comprising environmental conflicts literature, as well as the environmental history and institutional analysis of the case study. The information space is subjected to successive compressions before reaching a relevant structure of the problem. A storyteller is defined according to the relative power imbalances of the conflict situation. Theoretical pathways are created to serve as auxiliaries for the formalization process and for structuring the analysis. The analysis process navigates through the formalizations within each theoretical pathway. Impredicative loop analysis (ILA) is used to expose tensions and constraints generated by emerging hypercycles or clashing metabolic profiles. Finally, the results are subjected to a dialectical discussion, allowing the communication between different pathways. Dialectical discussion along the pathways is particularly useful for promoting interdisciplinary dialogue. The political ecology analysis of the case study has revealed that the higher intensity of conflicts in the late 1980s was due to a series of factors. The immediate cause was resource xii scarcity, which led to a speculative race for lands that included land grabbing strategies. The growing environmental movement in Portugal has provided the rural and peasant identities (the storytellers), with new languages that empowered their struggles. Institutional changes contributed to conflicts attenuation in the 1990s. However, a growing global consumption of paper continues to push the frontiers of industrial forestry around the world. Latin America and Eastern Europe have increased their peripheral position in the world-system of the paper industry, as suppliers of cheap pulp and land for fast-growth tree plantations. Packaging, as a main end-use of paper, can be used to hide from the consumer the impacts of production. This end-use of paper might intensify unequal ecological exchange in different areas and commodities, while being reinforced by it. In this context, conflicts might lead to a relocation of impacts, leaving the hegemony untouched.

Abstract
From the perspective of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) today, the legacy of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) remains mixed. The dominant view is that the DPA is the origin of its political impasse, economic stagnation, and failed nation-building. Yet, it is indisputable that DPA has been successful in preventing the recurrence of a major violent ethnic conflict in BiH. More recently, the failures of Syrian peace talks to yield a durable settlement have evoked the lessons from the DPA. However, most analyses have concluded the parallels with the Bosnian war and its resolution are misplaced given the complexity and severity of the war in Syria. This article argues for a more nuanced approach to distilling the Dayton legacy, particularly when it is employed as a historical analogy. It highlights the usefulness of the DPA as an analogy for successful conflict termination, while offering lessons about the pitfalls of externally imposed consociational arrangements.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Dedication -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: The Emergence of National Consciousness in Iraq -- 1. Faysal I and the Palestine Question -- 2. The Palestine Question in Iraq's Domestic Politics, 1928-35 -- 3. Iraq's Intervention in Palestine, 1936 -- 4. The Sulayman-Sidqi Government, 1936-37, and the Palestine Question -- 5. Palestine as Symbol and Political Weapon under al-Midfa'i's Government 1937-38 -- 6. Excursus: Iraq and the Second World War -- 7. Nuri al-Sa'id, the Palestine Issue and Anglo-Iraqi Relations, 1939-41 -- 8. The Rashid 'Ali Movement and the Palestine Question in Iraqi-German Relations -- 9. Iraq and Palestine from 1941 to the End of the War -- 10. Palestine and Iraqi Political and Social Tensions after the War -- 11. Palestine as an Iraqi Weapon in the Arab League -- 12. The UN Partition Resolution in Iraqi Domestic and Foreign Affairs -- 13. 1948: From Riots to War -- 14. Epilogue: Iraq and the 1948-49 War -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

This study aims to describe, analyze and assess exhaustively the implementation of institutional arrangement and the placement of local apparatus resources in the expansion area as well as the conflict of interest in the arrangement of regional institutions and placement of local apparatus resources and settlement of conflict of interest in regional institutions arrangement and the placement of local apparatus resources in the expansion area Pangandaran District. This study applies case study approach as qualitative method by interviewing eight participants (see Appendix 1) that are involved in regional expansion from various occupations. The gap of this study is the existence of the conflict of interest in the institutional arrangement and apparatus placement resource in the new regional expansion. This study found that there is a conflict association that caused the lack of development in regional expansion. The resolutions were as follows: (a) Establishment of a joint forum on a regular basis between the regent, council presidium and community leaders to discuss the plan and program areas. (B) The Regent accommodates the council presidium proposal, and put the appropriate and qualified officials. (C) Improve the performance of the region and increase cooperation in order to avoid misunderstanding by the local governments. Theoretically, this study is hoped could strengthen the conflict theory in the new district of regional expansion. On the other hand, the government's role is hoped in arranging and managing the institution as well as apparatus resource in regional expansion by inventing the laws and policies to execute it.

This introductory article to the Special Issue of Peace and Conflict Studies asks, "are we in the 'Age of Resistance' in a post-9/11 world?" It is argued the concept of "resistance" may be framed in a broad theoretical context to include multiple and contested meanings by social and political actors as well as by scholars and through intellectual debate. The article questions recent ideas prevalent in fauxpolitical science studies which promote a clash of civilizations, essentialize histories, support anachronistic Orientalist-approaches, and bolster foreign policy initiatives by removing the human element. The contention is for researchers and theorists to concentrate on "invisible histories", which reveal the less understood elements of history, social organization, and the inter-connectedness of conflict and violence across a broad range of cultures. Anthropology as a discipline demonstrates how invisible histories are revealed in multi-valent and nuanced ways of the past in the present and through the social interrelatedness of violent expressions and their analytical understanding. Beyond this, it is claimed that epistemological conceptions of nationalism may be examined on different levels through cultures, localities, and regions as contested and multiple expressions, which confront generalist and monolithic images. Partially this is explained through the notion of the "distributed" and "partible" person, as an extension of human activity, political agency, and political ideology to complementary and constituent parts of collective but detotalized wholes. To conceptualize this theory, the Basques will be utilized as exemplifying how such ideas are applicable. In all, this Special Issue of Peace and Conflict Studies will present some new approaches for comprehending our post-September 11 world, not only in our understanding of conflict but our role as conflict-resolution-specialists.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 163-187). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 263 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Social Sciences and Education, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2013. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Η παρούσα διατριβή εξετάζει την αποτελεσματικότητα της εφαρμογής της Κοσμοθεωρίας του Μετασχηματισμού «(ΚΜ)». σε ένα καινοτομικό πλαίσιο της εκπαίδευσης για την Ειρήνη (Danesh & Danesh 2002a, 2002b, 2004b). Η Κοσμοθεωρία του Μετασχηματισμού (ΚΜ) ως διαδικασία της παιδαγωγικής για την Ειρήνη, σε προηγούμενες έρευνες και μελέτες, έχει αποδειχθεί εξαιρετικά αποτελεσματική στη μετατροπή της αρνητικής και διχαστικής κοσμοθεωρίας σε θετικές και διαλλακτικές πεποιθήσεις. Συγκεκριμένα μετά την συμφωνία του Dayton στη Βοσνία-Ερζεγοβίνη εφαρμόστηκε ένα παιδαγωγικό πρόγραμμα για την Ειρήνη βασισμένο στις αρχές της ΚΜ με στόχο την επούλωση τραυμάτων του παρελθόντος και την προώθηση θετικών πεποιθήσεων μεταξύ Σέρβων, Βόσνιων και Κροατών. Η παρούσα διατριβή εξέτασε την αποτελεσματικότητα της ΚΜ στα πλαίσια μιας παρατεταμένης εθνοκοινοτικής σύγκρουσης: την περίπτωση της Κύπρου. Ένα πρόγραμμα ΕΓΕ, παρόμοιο με αυτό που χρησιμοποιήθηκε στη Βοσνία – Ερζεγοβίνη, αναπαράχθηκε και εφαρμόστηκε σε τέσσερεις Ελληνοκυπριακές τάξεις σχολείων πρωτοβάθμιας εκπαίδευσης. Μια ομάδα εθελοντών δασκάλων επιλέχθηκε και στη συνέχεια εκπαιδεύτηκε με στόχο την κατανόηση των αρχών της ΚΜ, καθώς και το πώς αυτή η μέθοδος μπορεί να ενταχθεί στα προγράμματα των μαθημάτων τους. Το πρόγραμμα της ΚΜ υλοποιήθηκε κατά τη διάρκεια ενός ακαδημαϊκού εξαμήνου από τον Ιανουάριο έως τον Ιούνιο του 2012. Οι τρείς βασικοί στόχοι της παρούσας μελέτης ήταν η αποτελεσματική αξιολόγηση των κοσμοθεωριών των μαθητών και μαθητριών, η καταγραφή πληροφοριών που επιβεβαιώνουν την πρακτική εφαρμογή αυτών των αντιλήψεων και η ακριβής επισήμανση οποιασδήποτε βελτίωσης στις κοσμοθεωρίες και εθνοτικές αντιλήψεις. Συνεπώς σχεδιάσαμε και χορηγήσαμε ερωτηματολόγια στους μαθητές/μαθήτριες καθώς και σε ομάδες ελέγχου πριν και μετά το πείραμα που αξιολογούν τους προαναφερθέντες στόχους. Τα αποτελέσματα του πειράματος δείχνουν ότι το πρόγραμμα ΕΓΕ ήταν πράγματι αποτελεσματικό στη βελτίωση των αντιλήψεων, αλλά τελικά ήταν ανεπαρκή για την επίτευξη σημαντικών μεταλλαγών. Η Ανάλυση Συνδιακύμανσης (Analysis of Covariance) χρησιμοποιήθηκε για να επισημάνει τις σημαντικές διαφορές μεταξύ της ομάδας παρέμβασης και της ομάδας ελέγχου. Συγκεκριμένα, οι μαθητές μεγαλύτερης ηλικίας παρουσίασαν σημαντικές αλλαγές στην αντίληψη της κοσμοθεωρίας τους, ενώ οι νεότεροι μαθητές επέδειξαν πιο θετική στάση απέναντι στον «άλλο » μετά την παρέμβαση . Όσον αφορά τη στάση τους απέναντι στη «σύγκρουση», η συμμετοχή στην παρέμβαση επέφερε μια μέτρια θετική αλλαγή. Τα αποτελέσματα έδειξαν ότι σε αντίθεση με τις αρχικές εικασίες, οι μαθητές δεν διατηρούσαν ισχυρές κοσμοθεωρίες βασισμένες στη σύγκρουση ή φανερά αρνητική στάση. Η συνεχιζόμενη παράταση της σύγκρουσης και η ελλιπής παιδαγωγική θεωρούνται ότι έχουν αρνητική επίδραση στην επιτυχή εφαρμογή της προσέγγισης ΚΜ. Περαιτέρω έρευνα απαιτείται για την απομόνωση και εξερεύνηση των προαναφερθέντων παραγόντων με μεγαλύτερη λεπτομέρεια. Η έλλειψη της κοσμοθεωρίας με βάση την επιβίωση ανάμεσα στα παιδιά συμπληρώνει τις πρόσφατες θεωρίες της κοινωνικής ψυχολογικής ανάπτυξης και, επομένως, αντιτάσσεται τη θεωρία του Danesh για την εξέλιξη της κοσμοθεωρίας. ; This dissertation explores the effectiveness of a particular approach to peace education, known as Worldview Transformation (WT) (Danesh & Danesh 2002a, 2002b, 2004b). The WT approach to peace education, in previous experiments, has been shown to be an effective pedagogical model. Following the cessation of violence in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), an educational program, based on the principles of WT was implemented to reconcile past traumas and foster positive attitudes between the Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats. This research sought to test the applicability of the WT approach in the conflict of Cyprus While the cases of Cyprus and BiH retain many similarities, particularly in their ethno-nationalist origins, each conflict however, retains unique dynamics, characteristics and root causes. The results of this research are particularly significant due to the incredibly limited scientific evaluation of in-school peace education programs in Cyprus. While many studies have explored the effectiveness of peace education in overcoming nationalist narratives, increasing empathy, mutual tolerance and respect in the case of Cyprus, they have all been conducted in out-of-school contexts. Furthermore, this research also represents the first exploration of the effectiveness of WT in protracted conflicts generally. An EFP program, similar to that which was utilized in BiH was replicated and implemented in four Greek Cypriot primary school classrooms. Intrinsically motivated volunteer teachers were selected and subsequently trained to understand the principles of WT, as well as how it can be integrated into their classrooms. The EFP program was implemented over the course of one academic semester from January to June 2012. A total of 64 primary school students participated in the EFP program in the intervention group, with 42 students comprising the control groups. Pre and post intervention surveys were given to both groups which were designed to extract their worldviews in accordance with the principles and concepts of WT. Analysis of covariance was utilized to reveal significant differences between the intervention and control groups. Specifically, the older students reported significant change in the perception aspect of their worldview, while the younger students exhibited more positive attitudes toward the 'other' following the intervention. With respect to their attitudes toward 'the conflict', participation in the intervention resulted in a moderately positive change. The results showed that contrary to the initial assumptions, the students did not maintain strong conflict-based worldviews or overtly negative attitudes. The continued protraction of the conflict and a challenging pedagogy are assumed to have a negative effect on the successful application of the WT approach. Further research is needed to isolate and explore the aforementioned factors in greater detail. The lack of survival-based worldview amongst the children complements the recent theories of social psychological development and thus contradict Danesh' theory of worldview progression.

he British officials in Nigeria mounted and imposed rules and laws through the traditional rulers who only served as mediators between the people and the British officials. Though, the cultures and traditions of the Nigerian citizens were cherished and reserved by the British government in order to accept and welcome them by the citizens of the country. However, this system worked out well because of the support of the traditional rulers who claimed that since their cultures and traditions were not interfered with, they have no problem with the British authorities (Teslim, 2019). Before traditional rulers are attached with some important functions among which are contributing to development administration, linkage or "brokering" between grassroots and capital, extension of national identity through the conferral of traditional titles, low-level conflict resolution and judicial gate-keeping, ombudsmanship and institutional safety- valve for overloaded and sub-apportioned bureaucracies. In addition to the above roles, traditional rulers are meant to create educated chieftaincies meaningfully improves the success of traditional rulers (Miles, 1993). Furthermore, traditional rulers serve as another institute of conflict resolution in any nation where the state legal system is weakening to fully provide the judicial requirements of the country (Zeleke, 2011). A study by Isaac (2018) disclosed that in the olden days, traditional institutions are the administrative organizations in Nigeria. These establishments are entrenched in the history, cultures, and the traditions of several ethnic groups and cultural background. He further explained that traditional institutions plays an important role in the managerial process before, during, and after colonial rules, these institutions have contributed to the history of the nation. The role of traditional organizations was important and highly respected during these periods.

As the Cold War has receded, it has left behind a world system characterized by two divergent trends. On the one hand, as the two superpowers have withdrawn their security umbrellas, a host of ethnic and territorial conflicts have sprouted around the globe. On the other hand, as former rival blocs now create alliances, international mechanisms for the peaceful resolution of contentious issues have proliferated. A central concern of our times, then, is whether, and under what circumstances, these new mechanisms will be successful in dealing with the disorderly aspects of the new world 'order'.

This article examines the so-called "grid governance" scheme, a widely used grassroots governance strategy implemented in urban China in recent years. Drawing on data collected in multiple cities from 2011 to 2016, it analyses in what ways, and to what extent, the state employs the grid governance scheme to resolve neighbourhood conflicts and reinforce governance in Chinese urban middle-class neighbourhoods. The findings highlight complex interactions under the scheme among the residents, the state and market actors in neighbourhood governance, including the resident volunteers, residents' social groups, residents' committees and property management companies. By coopting middle-class resident volunteers, maximizing the existing political influence of the retired urban elites, and establishing Party organizations in middle-class residential communities, the grid governance scheme has become a major vehicle for resident mobilization and conflict resolution, and a key governance mechanism to reinforce the Party's leadership in middle-class neighbourhoods. (China Q/GIGA)