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World Affairs Online
In: New York University Journal of International Law and Politics, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 2004
SSRN
In: Montgomery , C & Nada , C 2018 , International Students in the UK and EU: Fluid Contexts and Identities in a Changing Europe . in C A Rose-Redwood & R Rose-Redwood (eds) , International Encounters: Higher Education and the International Student Experience . Rowman & Littlefield .
This chapter focuses on the construction of the "international student" in the contemporary social, cultural, and political context of the UK and Europe more generally. The chapter examines the literature on international student experiences over the last decade, critiquing the notion of UK national identity in relation to international students and setting this against the social, cultural, and political changes that have influenced international students' sense of themselves. Having unmasked the fragility of conceiving of international students according to national identity alone, the chapter goes on to consider international students in the European context with a specific focus on narratives of international students attending universities in Portugal, collected by the second author of this chapter. The results suggest that scholarship on international students must take into account the fluidity of national identities. The chapter concludes with a discussion of international students' identities and how they are influenced by social, cultural, and political contexts.
BASE
In: International problems, S. 5-14
ISSN: 0543-3665, 0352-5554
World Affairs Online
In: In: World tax journal. - Amsterdam. - Vol. 7 (2015), no. 3 ; p. 343-382
SSRN
Depuis 2008, les flambées des prix sur les marchés internationaux de produits alimentaires et la crainte d'une crise alimentaire mondiale ont attiré l'attention sur la relation entre les politiques agricoles et commerciales des grands pays agricoles et la sécurité alimentaire mondiale. Cette attention illustre l'idée largement répandue selon laquelle il existe quelques grands pays qui sont les acteurs dominants des marchés internationaux et qui seraient en position d'influencer, par leur politique, la sécurité alimentaire mondiale. L'objectif de notre papier est de discuter cette hypothèse. Il montre qu'effectivement, par la passé les Etats Unis, d'abord seul puis conjointement avec l'Union Européenne, ont pu contrôler les prix sur les marchés internationaux mais qu'il y a eu, au cours de la dernière décennie, multiplication du nombre de grands pays importateurs et/ou exportateurs. Ainsi aujourd'hui, plusieurs pays sont en situation d'influencer les prix internationaux mais aucun d'entre eux ne peut, ni ne veut, les contrôler. Le papier montre par ailleurs, que si les grands pays influent grandement et intentionnellement sur la sécurité alimentaire de leur propre population (qui compte pour presque la moitié des individus en insécurité alimentaire de la planète), leur influence sur la sécurité alimentaire du reste du monde est limitée par le faible degré d'intégration des marchés domestiques avec les marchés internationaux dans la plupart des pays en insécurité alimentaire.
BASE
In: Global Media Journal 4(2), 2014, Forthcoming
SSRN
In: Development in practice, Band 12, Heft 3and4
ISSN: 0961-4524
In: International journal / CIC, Canadian International Council: ij ; Canada's journal of global policy analysis, Band 68, Heft 4, S. 545-552
When the European Union (EU) and the Canadian government announced the launching of negotiations to create a "new generation" free trade agreement, the EU insisted that provincial representatives be included on the Canadian negotiating team. The goal of this article is to explain why the provinces have gradually become key, indeed indispensable, actors in international trade negotiations. I examine how international trade negotiations are conducted in Canada, noting the enhanced role for provincial governments, and I focus on a comparison between the Canada–US free trade negotiations and the discussions for a Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Europe.
In: European journal of international law, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 1235-1247
ISSN: 1464-3596
Abstract
The Guiding Principles on Shared Responsibility aim to 'substantiate the existing rules of the law of international responsibility' as they are codified in the International Law Commission's 2001 Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts and the 2011 Articles on the Responsibility of International Organizations. This article examines the contribution of the Guiding Principles to the law of international responsibility and analyses some of their more controversial features, where the Guiding Principles seek to significantly expand the scope of the existing rules and, conversely, where they could have been much more ambitious.
In: International affairs: a Russian journal of world politics, diplomacy and international relations, S. 56-64
ISSN: 0130-9641
In: International area studies review: IASR, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 280-302
ISSN: 2049-1123
The political science literature often points to populism as the cause of democratic backsliding. The literature purports that populism undermines democracy's liberal component, meaning the horizontal checks and balances on executive power by legislatures and courts and the vertical checks and balances by civil society, such as a free press and social movements. Populists promote political polarization to build sustainable ruling coalitions during and between elections that legitimize and support the illiberal policies above. However, this debate often ignores the economic tools that populists in power possess, such as capturing direct and indirect international rents to finance clientelist mechanisms to co-opt political support. This paper contributes to the rich literature on how economic rent conditions the negative relationship between populism and liberalism by disaggregating the moderating effects of direct and indirect international rents through panel regression models in 18 Latin American countries from 1991 to 2019. I find that direct international rents, such as natural resource rents, moderated a deepening in processes of democratic backsliding. Contrastingly, indirect international rents, such as remittances, moderately mitigated democratic backsliding.
This article presents an example of how globalization and digitization force states to rely on international organization. Examining tax policy with respect to cryptocurrency—an innovative, global technology—the implication is that a state levying taxes on cryptocurrency must turn to international monitoring and enforcement regimes to support effective taxation. Based on Margaret Levi's theory of predatory rule, I submit a theory of "co-predation" to explain international cooperation with respect to taxation of novel, cross-border technologies such as cryptocurrency. The Automatic Exchange of Information (AEOI), an anti-tax evasion framework promulgated by the OECD, serves as an example of international cooperation. A comparison of cryptocurrency taxation in Russia and Belarus finds that, where effective tax policy is at stake, states are enjoined to commit to international cooperation through AEOI. The article concludes by considering implications for legitimacy, quasi-voluntary compliance, and strategic tax policy.
BASE
World Affairs Online
In: Studies in International Trade and Investment Law Ser.