Suchergebnisse

1. International diplomacy meets public health -- 2. The first great intervention : epidemics and famine in Eastern Europe -- 3. The extension of the collaborative programme -- 4. International health and the end of the League of Nations : Gautier's evaluation -- 5. Some general conclusions.

pt. 1. Introduction -- pt. 2. The legal framework for space projects in Europe -- pt. 3. General aspects of space industry contracts -- pt. 4. Specific aspects of space industry contracts -- pt. 5. Specific aspects of satellite services contracts -- pt. 6. Conclusions and outlook.

The author pleads without concession for fully European defence arrangements, and proposes three decisive moves: a European military command, European forces and a single seat for Europe on the UN Security Council. These should be set in place urgently, he argues.

Discusses change and developments of political culture in Eastern and Central Europe, causes for mistrust in new leaders, and creation of a public interest.

Stereotypes represent a simplified & typified construct of reality, often applied to ethnic, national, & gender groups. National stereotyping, media reporting, & everyday culture are interconnected. External influences from the educational, political, & economic systems act on this interrelation of stereotypes & media. The case of Central & Eastern Europe illustrates the dominant influence of the economic system on the development of stereotypical attitudes. The evaluation of peoples in the European Union is considerably more positive than that of peoples in Central-Eastern Europe, primarily because of the economic development level of the respective peoples. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 7 Maps. Adapted from the source document.

The role and position of the civil service as core actors in the public sector has been seriously questioned in recent years. This volume provides a comparative study of civil service systems in Asia, Western Europe and Africa. The cast of international contributors provide new insights

"The book investigates the rather neglected "intellectual" collaboration between National Socialist Germany and other countries, including views on knowledge and politics among "pro-German" intellectuals, using a comparative approach. These moves were shaped by the Nazi system, which viewed scientific and cultural exchange as part and parcel of their cultural propaganda and policy. Positive views of the Hitler regime among intellectuals of all sorts were indicative of a broader discontent with democracy that, among other things, represented an alternative approach to modernization which was not limited to the German heartlands. This book draws together international experts in an analysis of right-wing Europe under Hitler; a study which has gained new resonance amidst the wave of European nationalism in the twenty first century"--

Since 1945, Germany's role in the project of European integration has been central to the economic and political development of Europe. The fourth volume of the German Yearbook of Contemporary History, edited by Mark Gilbert (Johns Hopkins University), Eva Oberloskamp and Thomas Raithel (both Leibniz Institute for Contemporary History, IfZ), assembles selected articles which have been published previously in the Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, and specially commissioned contributions by international authors. The chapters cover a wide range of topics. The theories and visions of European integration that were articulated in Europe and in the United States after the end of the Nazi regime and of World War II are the starting point for the volume. The period covered by the book stretches to the foundation and earliest stages of European Economic and Monetary Union, which received substantial momentum from German unification in 1989/90.

The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe proclaimed the year 2005 the 'European Year of Democratic Citizenship through Education', but the question is: What does the democracy-promoting citizen look like? This article focuses on the question of whether satisfied and supportive citizens or critical citizens have attitudes that promote democracy. The discussion of this question is based on empirical results from a survey of German citizens (N = 2,000), applying bivariate and multivariate methods. Political criticism is measured by indicators of dissatisfaction, attentiveness and system preference; five types of citizens are constructed: satisfied-attentive, satisfied-inattentive, dissatisfied-attentive, dissatisfied-inattentive citizens with a preference for a democratic system, and one type preferring nondemocratic systems. The article examines which of these types are more consistent with the 'ideal citizen'-- defined as a citizen who participates, is well-informed, identifies with democracy and politics, has good internal efficacy and is willing to defend democracy. The data show that attentive citizens are more likely to promote democracy than inattentive ones. Attentive citizens are politically more knowledgeable, identify more strongly with the democratic system, feel more politically competent and are more willing to defend democracy. Political satisfaction or dissatisfaction has less of an influence on these dispositions. Adapted from the source document.

China's growing influence in Europe has the potential to create new geo-economic divides. Its purchase of critical infrastructures and successful promotion of national high-tech giants hold long-term security implications for Europe and the world order. As always, Europe's first and most vexing challenge is to find unity. To promote coherence across the continent, the EU will have to implement an activist industrial policy to boost its own high-tech competitive advantage and take all necessary measures to prevent growing economic dependencies on China. ; Chinas wachsender Einfluss in Europa hat das Potenzial, neue geo-ökonomische Gräben zu schaffen. Der Kauf kritischer Infrastrukturen und die erfolgreiche Förderung nationaler High-Tech-Giganten haben langfristige Auswirkungen auf die Sicherheit Europas und die Weltordnung. Wie immer besteht die erste und mühsamste Herausforderung für Europa darin, einheitlich aufzutreten. Um die Kohärenz auf dem gesamten Kontinent zu fördern, wird die EU eine aktivistische Industriepolitik umsetzen müssen, um ihren eigenen Wettbewerbsvorteil im Hochtechnologiebereich zu stärken. Zudem wird sie alle notwendigen Massnahmen ergreifen müssen, um eine wachsende wirtschaftliche Abhängigkeit von China zu verhindern. ; ISSN:1664-0667

It is concluded that the Gypsy (Roma) experience during WWII in Europe essentially paralleled that of the Jews: the Nazi racist policy toward the Gypsies was nothing short of genocide, though definitive statistics of victimization are still missing. Nevertheless, the anti-Gypsy rhetoric & administrative record demonstrate that Gypsies were clearly targeted for extermination. This era -- the Porajmos -- was preceded by centuries of prejudice, persecution, & exclusion. Nazi anti-Gypsyism exploited long traditions of grass-roots animosity & state suppression, dating back to the Middle Ages when Gypsies first arrived in Europe from northern India. Piecing together the outlines of the Porajmos poses numerous methodological problems. The need for a continued search for raw quantitative data & the importance of keeping the Porajmos distinct from the Holocaust are emphasized, so that this chapter of Gypsy history is neither subsumed nor robbed of its distinct personality. Modified AA

The May Coup did not initially bring about any major changes in Polish foreign policy, although the post-May governmental circles put a stronger emphasis on the Promethean idea and the concept of the Intermarium. In mutual relations between Warsaw and Moscow, a dialogue on the Polish-Soviet non-aggression treaty continued, as before 1926. The main point of contention was Warsaw's position on the necessity of concluding a Polish-Soviet non-aggression pact simultaneously with Moscow's analogous agreements with: Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Romania. The article presents the path to the agreement from the perspective of Warsaw, taking into account the changing international situation, including the rise of fascist tendencies in Europe, the threat of war and changes in the USSR's domestic policy. The agreement of 25 January 1932 and the non-agreement pact of 25 July that year between Poland and the USSR were the high points of mutually correct relations. Later years, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and 17 September showed that Sanation diplomacy was unable to prevent Poland from losing its independence. Whether this catastrophe could have been prevented remains a matter of dispute.