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AbstractWhy do international peacebuilders fail to address the local causes of peace process failures? The existing explanations of peacebuilding failures, which focus on constraints and vested interests, do not explain the international neglect of local conflict. In this article, I show how discursive frames shape international intervention and preclude international action on local violence. Drawing on more than 330 interviews, multi-sited ethnography, and document analysis, I develop a case study of the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition from war to peace and democracy (2003–2006). I demonstrate that local agendas played a decisive role in sustaining local, national, and regional violence. However, a postconflict peacebuilding frame shaped the international understanding of violence and intervention in such a way that local conflict resolution appeared irrelevant and illegitimate. This frame included four key elements: international actors labeled the Congo a "postconflict" situation; they believed that violence there was innate and therefore acceptable even in peacetime; they conceptualized international intervention as exclusively concerned with the national and international realms; and they saw holding elections, as opposed to local conflict resolution, as a workable, appropriate, and effective tool for state- and peacebuilding. This frame authorized and justified specific practices and policies while precluding others, notably local conflict resolution, ultimately dooming the peacebuilding efforts. In conclusion, I contend that analyzing discursive frames is a fruitful approach to the puzzle of international peacebuilding failures beyond the Congo.

Because of its reliable foreign politics, Germany is globally perceived as a most respected partner. However, at present the country isn't successful in keeping in stride with the developments of the globalizing world. Regarding important topics, the German government has rarely taken a firm stand. The present article states that peaceful conflict resolution should remain Germany's main objective in foreign politics. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the peaceful coexistence of various ethnically & religiously diverse communities in the city of Antakya, Turkey, drawing primarily on participant observation & in-depth interview data conducted 2005-2007 with representatives of the Sunni majority & the 3 major Arab-speaking minorities (Alawite Muslims, Sunni Muslims, & Orthodox Christians). Antakya's position as a border city is described & the impact of various governmentalities from the late-Ottoman period to the present is assessed, highlighting how they have intermingled. The Foucauldian concepts of "conduct" & "counter conduct" are employed to explore the city's unique "diachronic multiculturalism.". K. Hyatt Stewart

This is not the first time Washington launched a major diplomatic initiative in Africa in a ham-handed manner. The United States failed to adequately brief or consult these audiences prior to unveiling a multiyear capacity building effort to develop African peacekeeping capabilities. The change from ACFR to ACRI was more than just cosmetic. The idea of supporting a standing force was replaced with enhancing African willingness and abilities. This was more acceptable, though arguable no more efficacious. African official are hospitable and pragmatic. Initial skepticism and distrust can be overcome as occurred with ACRF. The United States should explain why AFRICOM serves African interests. It does so in two important easy that the author fail to address. First, AFRICOM gives the continent a much stronger voice within the US government to advocate African interests. Second, coordination within the US department of defense on African matters should be greatly enhanced to the benefit of Africans. In short, there is no dearth of challenges facing Africans and policymakers on the continent and abroad charged with promoting peace and resolving armed conflict. AFRICOM should be part of the solution. The decision making behind Secretary of Defense Remsfeld's announcement seemed to be harried and the interim period before the Command became operational was rather short. But the idea for an Africa Command had been discussed at various levels within the US department of defense for more than a decade. AFRICOM is a natural progression or evolution in American military thought and is long overdue. It is not a new militaristic approach to Africa. AFRICOM's initial missteps should be taking in stride. Adapted from the source document.

Anyone engaged in strategic analysis should bear in mind that according to the Prussian military thinker Karl von Clausewitz, "everything in war is very simple, but the simplest thing is difficult. The difficulties accumulate and end by producing a kind of friction that is inconceivable unless one has experienced war." 1 "Friction" is impossible to forecast, yet it could appear at any moment and should consequently be reckoned with. Friction makes it much harder to execute a strategic plan and fulfill tactical tasks; it may even make the planned aims unattainable. I shall use this term in my analysis of the peacekeeping operation and rehabilitation in Afghanistan. The world community has found itself in a quandary: the military-strategic, political, social, economic, and psychological situation in Afghanistan has reached its limit. Today the United States is engaged in the Enduring Freedom military operation in this country while NATO in engaged in the ISAF peacekeeping operation. The former operation is spearheaded against the Taliban and other terrorist groups while the latter aspires to stabilize the military-political situation in the country; maintain security, and encourage the rehabilitation efforts in the provinces.

Certification of UN heliports for night operations ; For strategic reasons, it is very important to increase the number of heliports certified for UN helicopter operations, as this enhances the efficiency of the UN Peacekeeping Missions. For instance, increased availability of certified heliports over a wider area on the field would enable improvements of the management of UN resources and the air transport activities. In particular, for the case of casualty evacuation (CASEVAC) involving injured military or civilian personnel where a threat to life or limb exists, or medical evacuations (MEDEVAC) of patients, a wider network of heliports is paramount, because it enables much faster and painless transfers of personnel to the first available levels of medical care. Hence, the chances of saving the lives of injured or seriously ill persons increase significantly. In any case, the heliports must meet critical requirements so essentially it is guaranteed the safety of the operations. ; Peer Reviewed ; Preprint

Отношения Ливана и Израиля являются одним из главных векторов ближневосточного мирного процесса, запущенного в 1990-х гг. Лейтмотивом отношений двух стран является проблема палестинских беженцев в Ливане. Поворотным моментом в отношениях двух стран во многом стал 1982 год, когда израильские войска вторглись в Ливан с целью уничтожения баз Организации освобождения Палестины (ООП). Начиная с 2000 г. ливано-израильский конфликт перешел в новую фазу, характеризующуюся усилением активности международного фактора в качестве третьей стороны. Военные действия 2006 г. показали, что процесс ближневосточного урегулирования, в котором ливано-израильское направление играет одну из ключевых ролей, не сдвинулся с места. ; The Lebanon-Israeli relationship is one of the major driving forces of the Near-Eastern peaceful policy that had been started in the 90th. At the ground of the relations of these two countries lies the vital issue of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. The year 1982 when the Israeli troops invaded Lebanon to annihilate the camps of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) had become the turning point in many aspects. Starting from the year 2000 Lebanon-Israeli conflict had shifted to a new stage characterized by an increase of activity of an international factor as a third party. The military operations of 2006 had shown that the process of Near-Eastern peaceful settlement where Lebanon-Israeli policy plays one of the most significant roles was not moving forward.

Enthält: Wiharta, Sharon: The legitimacy of peace operations. - S. 95-116 Soder, Kirsten: Multilateral peace operations, 2008. - S. 117-158 Foxley, Tim: Security and politics in Afghanistan: progress, problems and prospects. - S. 159-178

The point of departure for this report is a field study conducted by the author in Sudan during the fall of 2007. The purpose of this analysis is to deepen knowledge about the current crisis in Darfur through a broad approach. The study includes a short background to the crisis in Darfur and examines some of the major actors, the situation on the ground, the peacekeeping process, the negotiations and the international response. It is argued that the current situation in Darfur is a result of three parallel and interlinked types of conflicts: communal conflicts, conflicts between different regional elites, and periphery-centre conflicts. It is also argued that a comprehensive approach to Sudan is needed to find a lasting solution in Darfur and other areas of Sudan. Moreover, the report stresses the vast problems that both the negotiations and the peacekeeping operation face at the moment. Finally, a call is made for a stronger commitment from, and co-ordination by, the international community to solve the conflicts in Darfur. ; UCDP- Uppsala Conflict Data Project