Suchergebnisse

The article is devoted to the consideration of the Ukraine-Russia war emergence and possible end problem in the context of geopolitical changes taking place on a global scale since 2004. Ukrainian-Russian conflict can not be perceived as exclusively borderline or regional. It has all the signs of the geopolitical conflict. In order to reveal the topic, a number of methods peculiar to historical and political sciences are used: analysis, dialectics, historical-comparative, historical-genetic, historical-systematic. The purpose of this work is to present the general development of geopolitical processes, as well as through the prism of major international actors opposition and cooperation – the USA, the EU, the Russian Federation. The article reveals the main problems facing Ukraine as a State in relations not only with Russia, but also with the US, European countries, especially its neighbors (Hungary, Poland, Belarus). It is argued that today the world community is actually not ready to solve the Ukrainian-Russian war issue. The absence of any action program from the side of the UN – a universal international organization, Ukraine and Russia being the founders at one time – witnesses about it. It is obvious, the Ukrainian-Russian not to have been solved in the near future, until the international relations to have been transformed on a global scale and a new international system to have been created. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению проблемы возникновения и возможности решения украинско-российской войны в контексте геополитических изменений в мировом масштабе, начиная с 2004 г. Украинско-российский конфликт нельзя воспринимать как исключительно пограничный или региональный. Он имеет все признаки геополитического конфликта. С целью раскрытия темы используется целый ряд методов, характерных для исторических и политических наук: методы анализа, диалектический, историко-сравнительный, историко-генетический, историкосистемный. Цель этой работы: представление общего развития геополитических процессов, в том числе и сквозь призму противостояния и сотрудничества основных международных акторов – США, ЕС, Российской Федерации. Раскрываются основные проблемы, которые стоят перед Украиной как государством в отношениях не только с Россией, но и с США, европейскими странами, в первую очередь соседями (Венгрия, Польша, Белоруссия) и др. Утверждается, что на сегодняшнее время мировое сообщество фактически не готово к решению украинско-российской войны. Свидетельством этого есть отсутствие хоть какой-нибудь программы действий от ООН – универсальной международной организации, основателями которой выступили именно Украина и Россия. Очевидно, что украинско-российская война не будет решена в ближайшее время, до того момента, пока не произойдет переформатирование международных отношений в общемировом масштабе, пока не будет создана новая международная система. ; Стаття присвячена розгляду проблеми виникнення і можливості припинення українсько-російської війни в контексті геополітичних змін, які відбуваються у світовому масштабі, починаючи з 2004 р. Українськоросійський конфлікт не можна сприймати як виключно прикордонний чи регіональний. Він має всі ознаки геополітичного конфлікту. З метою розкриття теми застосовується цілий ряд методів, властивих для історичних та політичних наук: методи аналізу, діалектичний, історико-порівняльний, історикогенетичний, історико-системний. Мета цієї роботи: представити загальний розвиток геополітичних процесів, у тому числі й крізь призму протистояння і співробітництва основних міжнародних акторів – США, ЄС, Російської Федерації. Розкриваються основні проблеми, які стоять перед Україною як державою у стосунках не лише із Росією, але й США, європейськими країнами, передовсім сусідами (Угорщина, Польща, Білорусь) та ін. Стверджується, що на сьогоднішній момент світова спільнота є фактично не готовою до вирішення українсько-російської війни. Свідченням цього є й відсутність будь-якої програми дій від ООН – універсальної міжнародної організації, фундаторами якої свого часу виступили саме Україна і Росія. Очевидно, що українськоросійська війна не буде вирішена найближчим часом, аж до моменту, поки не відбудеться переформатування міжнародних відносин у загальносвітовому масштабі, до створення нової міжнародної системи.

International audience ; The urban sprawl of mid-sized cities in the Centre Val-de-Loire regionThe Loire Valley cities of Tours and Orleans are good examples of France's urban housing sprawl after WW2. Since the turn of the century, French authorities have tightened urban development regulations to support residential densification. Cities like Tours and Orléans barely showed a change in development before 2013. Using MAJIC's real estate data, a comparison of the two metropolitan areas displays more resemblance than differences despite very different political arrangements and different metropolitan governance. The timeline of housing development reflects nationwide housing policies. While central cities-notably Tours-actively promote housing densification, other communities still rely on scattered greenfield development of single family homes in the outlying "urban countryside", resulting in a spotted, "leopard-skin" pattern of sprawling villages. With abundant and affordable land and reduced construction costs, the development of individual homes has a competitive edge that is hard to overcome for promoters of urban "renewal" trying to sell apartments in new, densely populated urban neighbourhoods. ; Expansión residencial de las ciudades intermedias en la Región Central del Valle del LoiraLas metrópolis ligerienses de Tours (Turs) y de Orleans son claros ejemplos de la dispersión residencial que se produce en Francia tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Mientras que la reglamentación urbana y la legislación favorecen la compacidad y densidad residencial, estas sólo se producen con el cambio de siglo, y sólo muy tímidamente a partir del 2013. Mediante la información catastral de MAJIC se han comparado ambas metrópolis, que presentan más similitudes que divergencia, a pesar las grandes diferencias de sus actores sociales y modelos de gobernanza. La urbanización residencial alrededor estas dos ciudades ligerienses han seguido los tempos e inflexiones de la política nacional de la vivienda. Mientras que sus ciudades centrales –especialmente Tours- hicieron un verdadero esfuerzo por aumentar su densidad urbana, los municipios de sus periferias priorizaron la dispersión de las vivienda individuales en sus entornos rurales, fomentando alrededor de los pueblos una leopardización de crecimiento difuso. La disponibilidad de tierras con precios bajos y costes de contrucción reducidos favorecieron la vivienda individual. Esta presenta unas ventajas comparativas para los promotores frente a la renovación urbana donde se oferta apartamentos en nuevos barrios con densidades más altas. ; Les métropoles ligériennes de Tours et Orléans sont deux exemples représentatifs de l'éparpillement résidentiel des villes survenu en France après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Tandis que le législateur renforce l'arsenal réglementaire en faveur de la densification résidentielle depuis le tournant du siècle, les aires urbaines de Tours et d'Orléans ne manifestent qu'un début timide de densification avant 2013. En s'appuyant sur les fichiers fonciers MAJIC, la comparaison des deux aires urbaines manifeste plus de similitudes que de différences en dépit d'acteurs politiques et de gouvernances territoriales très différentes. La chronologie de la construction de logement autour des deux villes ligériennes est rythmée par les grandes inflexions des politiques nationales de logement. Tandis que les villes-centres-surtout Tours-font un effort manifeste de densification urbaine, les autres communes privilégient encore l'éparpillement périphérique des maisons individuelles dans les campagnes urbaines environnantes, dessinant une croissance « en peau de léopard » autour des villages. Avec un foncier disponible abondant et pas cher ainsi que des coûts de construction réduits, la construction diffuse de pavillons individuels semble bénéficier d'un avantage économique difficile à concurrencer pour les promoteurs du renouvellement urbain qui tentent de commercialiser des appartements dans de nouveaux quartiers urbains denses.

The article deals with the evolution of understanding of Hegel's political ontology. The author describes and analyzes parts of Hegel's theory that were used by Marx and his followers for the formation of the materialist view of the development of human history. Marx was among the first who popularized the rejection of Absolute in a new type of philosophizing. Many thinkers concentrated their attention on the issue of Hegel's dialectics in the mature philosophy of Marx, but the influence of Hegel on Marx showed itself not only in this aspect. The author tries to make clear that connections between two mentioned theories are much deeper. Hegel had with Marx much in common. Both of them believed that a human becomes a human solely in interaction with other people. Moreover, they rejected the possibility of positive social and individual changes beyond social interaction. Marx criticized Hegel and his followers for maintaining illusions about the fact that the world is an Idea. In addition, he ascribed to Hegel's thoughts that the course of human history is determined by ideas and concepts, especially philosophical and religious ones. We must admit that this is a serious distortion of the Hegelian theory. Hegel really believed that the history of humankind is a story of the development of the Mind or the Spirit. But in certain parts of his system Hegel emphasized the inalienability of the Spirit from human activity in the objective world. The Spirit for Hegel is the development of consciousness of individuals, their selfrealization. The history of the Spirit embodies itself in objective social forms that are constructed, destroyed and reconstructed by humankind. Thanks to dialectical mechanisms embedded in the development of consciousness and history, the activity of Ideas is the interaction between self-knowledge, self-actualization and their practical implementation, which always has a set of goals to be achieved. Achieving goals leads to a new level of self-knowledge and the emergence of new goals. Spirit always acts through the social world (even in the case of historical personalities). Hegel believed that the accumulation of knowledge and purposeful activity of people can be considered a contribution to the collective activity of nations, cultures, even the humanity as a whole. Collective activity accumulates a reflection of oneself, as people articulate what is happening, fix it in the form of traditions. So neither Marx nor Feuerbach, but Hegel was the first who created the tendency of removing concept of God from the structure of philosophizing. ; В рамках данного исследования автор изложил и проанализировал ряд идей, относящихся к становлению марксистского «рецепционного» поля как ведущего направления эволюции интерпретационного корпуса эпохи «после Гегеля». Наглядно подчеркивая зависимость марксовой теории от теории Гегеля, очерк обнажает гегелевской материал, который был использован К. Марксом и его последователями в формировании материалистического взгляда на развитие человеческой истории, а кроме того, подготовил тотальное распространение гипотезы о нежизнеспособности концепта Абсолюта в качестве главного элемента философствования нового типа. ; В межах запропонованого дослідження авторка виклала та проаналізувала низку ідей, що стосуються становлення марксистського «рецепційного» поля як провідного напряму еволюції інтерпретаційного корпусу епохи «після Геґеля». Наочно підкреслюючи залежність марксової теорії від теорії Геґеля, нарис оголює геґелівський матеріал, що був долучений К. Марксом та його послідовниками до формування матеріалістичного погляду на розвиток людської історії, а також підготував тотальне розповсюдження гіпотези про непотрібність концепту Абсолюта в якості головного елемента філософування нового типу.

The author's ideas concerning the role of social control in modern society, in particular, the manifestation of its strength and weakness in periods of crises and military conflicts represented in the article. The imbalance of its institutional mechanism in modern society is connected with neglecting democratic principles of social processes development by political actors. Using the scientific ideas of J. Lacan, R. Bart and the Ukrainian researcher O. Zubareva, the author considers that in a postmodern society social control changes its boundaries and the area of its existence, becoming identical to discourse because language as "an essential form of compulsion" becomes the core (R. Bart). It is argued that in the conditions of crises and military conflicts the mechanism of social control loses its power of regulation since in some territorial or social locations new markers of its discourse become important, namely pseudo-values, quasinorms, social pseudo-game, images, ideals and reforms mythologisation, the power of pseudo-authorities, pseudo-symbols, simulacra etc. which are the components of social mimicry. As a result, a pseudo-institutional mechanism of social control is created. Its cultural rules, values and social norms have nothing in common with human values, but only imitate them, masking them behind "irrelevant memeplexes" (Yu. Poluliakh). ; В статье представлено авторское видение роли социального контроля в современном обществе, в частности проявления его силы и слабости в периоды кризисов и военных конфликтов. Обоснованное мнение о том, что разбалансировка его институционального механизма в условиях современного общества обуславливается с пренебрежением политическими актерами демократических принципов развития общественных процессов. Пользуясь научными идеями Ж. Лакана, Р. Барта и украинской исследовательницы О. Зубаревой, автор развивает научное положение о том, что в обществе постмодерна социальный контроль меняет границы и пространство своего существования, приобретая тождественность с дискурсом, поскольку его ядром становится язык, как «общеобязательная форма принуждения» (Р. Барт). Подчеркивается, что в условиях кризисов и военных конфликтов общепризнанный механизм социального контроля теряет свою силу регуляции, поскольку в отдельных территориальных или социальных локациях приобретают значимость новые маркеры его дискурса, а именно псевдоценности, квазинормы, социальная псевдоигра, мифологизация образов и идеалов, реформ, поддержка власти псевдоавторитетов, псевдосимволов, симулякров и т.п., которые, собственно, и есть составляющими социальной мимикрии. В результате чего, создается псевдоинституциональный механизм социального контроля, культурные правила, ценности и социальные нормы которого не имеют ничего общего с общечеловеческими ценностями, а лишь имитируют их, маскируя за «иррелевантными мемплексами» (Ю. Полулях). ; У статті представлено авторське бачення ролі соціального контролю в сучасному суспільстві, зокрема прояву його сили і слабкості в періоди криз і військових конфліктів. Обґрунтована думка про те, що розбалансування його інституціонального механізму в умовах сучасного суспільства пов'язується з нехтуванням політичними акторами демократичних принципів розвитку суспільних процесів. Послуговуючись науковими ідеями Ж. Лакана, Р. Барта і української дослідниці О. Зубарєвої, автор розвиває наукове положення про те, що у суспільстві постмодерну соціальний контроль змінює межі і простір свого існування, набуваючи тотожності з дискурсом, оскільки його ядром стає мова, як «загальнообов'язкова форма примусу» (Р. Барт). Підкреслено, що в умовах криз і військових конфліктів суспільний (загальновизнаний) механізм соціального контролю втрачає свою силу регуляції, оскільки в окремих територіальних чи соціальних локаціях набувають значущості нові маркери його дискурсу, а саме псевдоцінності, квазінорми, соціальна псевдогра, міфологізація образів, ідеалів, реформ, піднесення влади псевдоавторитетів, псевдосимволів, симулякрів тощо, які, власне, є складовими соціальної мімікрії. Внаслідок цього створюється псевдоінституціональний механізм соціального контролю, культурні правила, цінності і соціальні норми якого не мають нічого спільного з загальнолюдськими цінностями, а лише імітують їх, маскуючи за «іррелевантними мемплексами» (Ю. Полулях).

In times of audiovision and fragmented attention, the non-commercial projection of cinema rediscovers its facet of promoting sociability. By renewing its invitation to physically gather people in spaces not traversed by commercial logic, it enables exchanges through meetings and discussion. To analyze this phenomenon, we carry out a characterization of cinephilia from a historical perspective and propose a first approach to some experiences that recover and renew the tradition and practice of filmclubbing in the city of Buenos Aires. Within the framework of the studies on circulation, reception and consumption of films, we highlight that the life of a film is not limited to its exhibition in commercial cinemas but it rather experiences different survivals by means of its exhibition in spaces and alternative supports that favor the conformation of a cinematographic culture shared between different actors inside a community. Since the end of the 1920s, in Argentina, different groups have carried out cultural projects around filmclubbing, related to divulgation, characterized by cinephilia, amateur criticism and erudition. This tradition, which had its peak between the 40s and the 60s, experienced different forms, possibilities and limitations over the years. The political contexts, the transformation of urban circuits related to entertainment, the evolution of reproduction technologies and access to films or generational changes are some of the variables that have affected and affect the various forms assumed by film clubbing. Based on these premises, we analyzed some current experiences that retrieve and recreate the filmclub format as a way of producing a collective encounter in different urban spaces and an experience of relevant cultural consumption. ; En tiempos de audiovisión y atención fragmentadas, la proyección no comercial de cine se redescubre en su faceta promotora de sociabilidad. Al renovar su invitación a reunir físicamente a las personas en espacios no atravesados por la lógica comercial, habilita el intercambio a través del encuentro y el debate. Para analizar este fenómeno, realizamos una caracterización de la cinefilia desde una perspectiva histórica y proponemos una primera aproximación a algunas experiencias que retoman y renuevan la tradición y la práctica del cineclubismo en la ciudad de Buenos Aires. En el marco de los estudios sobre circulación, recepción y consumo de cine, ponemos de relieve cómo la vida de un film no se agota en su paso por salas comerciales sino que experimenta distintas supervivencias mediante su exhibición en espacios y soportes alternativos, que propician la conformación de una cultura cinematográfica compartida entre diferentes actores de una comunidad. Desde fines de la década de 1920, en la Argentina, diferentes grupos concretaron proyectos culturales alrededor del cine, relacionados con la difusión y la divulgación y caracterizados por la cinefilia, la crítica amateur y la erudición. Esta tradición —que tuvo su auge entre los 40 y los 60— experimentó diferentes formas, posibilidades y limitaciones a lo largo de los años. Los contextos políticos, la transformación de los circuitos urbanos relacionados con el entretenimiento, la evolución de las tecnologías de reproducción y acceso a las películas o los cambios generacionales son algunas de las variables que han afectado y afectan a las diversas formas que asume el cineclubismo en Argentina. Partiendo de estas premisas, se relevan y analizan algunas experiencias actuales que recuperan y recrean el formato del cineclub como modo de producir un encuentro colectivo y una experiencia de consumo cultural relevante.

Esse artigo, resultante de pesquisas no contexto de duas Resex marinhas do estado do Pará, Mãe Grande do Curuçá e São João da Ponta, trata de mudanças que vêm ocorrendo no poder local, relacionadas à criação de áreas protegidas na Amazônia brasileira. Observa-se, então, uma politização dos desafios locais, manifesta como resultado do trabalho realizado nos Conselhos Deliberativos, nos quais a mobilização das comunidades e o engajamento de seus representantes possibilitam debates que dizem respeito ao desenvolvimento de seu território conforme exigências ambientais. Trata-se de uma dinâmica significativa de um desenvolvimento territorial que se beneficia de uma ambientalização geral gerada com a criação das Reservas e do valor deliberativo dos compromissos de membros conselheiros como uma instância política. Essa situação constitui interessante oportunidade de análise das relações entre práticas de democracia local de tipo deliberativo e uma orientação de desenvolvimento que inspira o engajamento dos atores locais em instituições novas, como os Conselhos Deliberativos.Palavras-chave: Politização e Ação Pública. Desenvolvimento Territorial. Ambientalização. Poder Local. Participação e Deliberação.POLITICIZATION, ENVIRONMENTALIZATION, AND TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT IN EXTRACTIVE RESERVESThis article, based researches in the context of two marine extractive reserves in the state of Pará, Mãe Grande do Curuçá and São João da Ponta, deals with the changes that has been occurring in local power related to the creation of protected areas of Brazilian Amazon. It is observed, therefore, a politicization of the local challenges, manifested as the result of the work done in the deliberative council, in which the communities mobilization and the engagement of its leaders make debates, about the development of their territory according to environmental demands, possible. This is a significant dynamic of territorial development that benefits itself from a general environmentalization emerged with the creation of reserves and with the deliberative value of compromise of council directors with a political instance. This situation constitutes an interesting opportunity for the analysis of the relations as practices of local deliberative democracy and as an orientation of development that inspires the engagement of local agents in new institutions, such as the deliberative councils.Key words: Politicization and public action; Territorial development; Environmentalization; Local power; Engagement and deliberationPOLITISATION, ENVIRONNEMENTALISATION ET DÉVELOPPEMENT TERRITORIAL DANS DES RÉSERVES EXTRATIVISTESCet article, qui est l'aboutissement de recherches faites dans le contexte de deux Résex (Réserves extrativistes) marines de l'état du Para, Mãe Grande do Curuçá et São João da Ponta, analyse les changements opérés au sein du pouvoir local, en accord avec la création de zones protégées en Amazonie brésilienne. On observe alors une politisation des enjeux locaux qui se manifeste à la suite d'un travail réalisé par les Conseils Délibératifs dans lesquels la mobilisation des communautés et l'engagement de leurs représentants permettent des débats concernant le développement de leur territoire tout en respectant les exigences environnementales. Il s'agit d'une dynamique significative d'un développement territorial au bénéfice d'une environnementalisation générale qui a lieu grâce à la création des Réserves et à la valeur délibérative des engagements des membres conseillers en tant qu'organe politique. Cette situation constitue une occasion intéressante d'analyse des relations entre les pratiques de la démocratie locale de type délibératif et une orientation de développement qui inspire l'engagement des acteurs locaux dans des institutions nouvelles telles que les Conseils Délibératifs.Mots-clés: Politisation et action publique; Développement territorial; Environnementalisation; Pouvoir local; Participation et délibération.Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0103-49792016000200003

García, D. (2017). De productores, consumidores y mediadores: El desarrollo antropológico de un mercado territorial de hortalizas en AMBA norte. Divulgatio. Perfiles académicos de posgrado, 1 (3). ; Este artículo propone describir cómo surgen y se organizan los procesos económicos alternativos en un contexto de retorno al capitalismo salvaje. Con la llegada al gobierno de gestiones políticas de corte neoliberal en todo el continente, se advierte de modo consecuente una evolución negativa de la distribución del ingreso, respecto del proceso de justicia distributiva inaugurado en la década anterior en América Latina. En este marco se desarrolla la experiencia a describir y se articula con algunas discusiones teóricas acerca del mercado, el consumo y la organización económica, en clave social y antropológica. Se sostiene que un mercado territorial para la agricultura familiar en el cordón norte del Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires (AMBA), aun siendo incipiente en su desarrollo, supone otra instancia histórica emergente, encuadrándose en los principios de la economía social y solidaria. Para implementar este mercado territorial de distribución de verduras en transición agroecológica, se organizaron nodos de consumidores desde marzo de 2016, tomando la experiencia del mercado territorial del cordón sur de AMBA – CABA, desarrollado por la Universidad Nacional de Quilmes (UNQ) en el marco de la alianza entre la Incubadora de Mercados, Economía y Finanzas de la UNQ, el INTA AMBA – Agencia de Extensión Campana y la Cooperativa de Productores Familiares de Escobar. Además de relaciones teóricas relevantes, se aborda la trayectoria empírica de esta experiencia del norte del Conurbano en un primer acercamiento de tipo exploratorio y su relación con aspectos simbólicos y políticos, desde la observación participante y la interpretación de los procesos productivos, sociales, culturales y organizativos que se han implementado en los distritos de Escobar, Pilar, José C. Paz, San Miguel, Malvinas Argentinas, Vicente López, San Fernando, San Isidro y Tigre. ; The purpose of this article is to describe how alternative economic processes arise and are organized in a context of return to savage capitalism. With the arrival of neo-liberal governments and their policies through out the continent, a negative evolution of the distribution of in come is observed in relation to the process of distributive justice inaugurated in the previous decade in Latin America. That is the context which develops the experience to be specified. Such a description will be articulated with some theoretical discussions about the market, consumption and economic organization, in social and anthropological terms. It is argued that a territorial market for family agriculture in the north of the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA), still incipient in its development, refers to another emerging historical instance, a "viable unpublished", framed in the principles of social and solidarity economy. In order to implement this territorial market for the distribution of vegetables in the agroecological transition, consumernodes were organized since March 2016, taking the experience of the territorial market of the southern belt of AMBA - CABA already developed by the National University of Quilmes (UNQ), in the frame work of the alliance between the UNQ Market, Economy and Finance Incubator, the INTA AMBA - Campana Extension Agency and the Escobar Family Producers Cooperative. In addition to establishing in this paper some relevant the oretical relations, the empirical trajectory of this experience of the North AMBA is approached in a first exploratory approach and its relation with symbolic and political aspects, from the participant observation and the interpretation of the productive, social, cultural and organizational changes that have taken place in the districts of Escobar, Pilar, José C. Paz, San Miguel, Malvinas Argentinas, Vicente López, San Fernando, San Isidro and Tigre.

The article spotlights bilateral relations between Ukraine and the Russian Federation within the period after the dissolution of the USSR that came from multi-faceted vision of correlation system between countries and were defined by a wide range of peculiarities and paradoxes. Attempts to fix a favourable format of relations just for itself, unclosed ignoring of meaning and interests of the partner, mutual accusations were changed for attempts to compromise and find optimum ways for the crisis overcoming. And the latter were more than enough and not only in interstate relations.The social and economic development of Ukraine after restoration of state independence was disputable and dramatic. The national economy on the whole fitted into the traditional scheme of transition economies that appeared instead of the centralized, extra-market economic relations with intrinsic to it rejection of private property, almost total control of the economic domain by the state. The crisis of the Soviet system emerged within the «Era of Stagnation» transformed in independent Ukraine into a full-blown economic collapse that lasted till the end of 1990s.The Ukrainian economy and society for a long time (partially even at present) were dependent on Soviet Union heritage – no fundamental changes in the field of fixed assets, industrial infrastructures within the first twenty years took place after the independence restoration. The market economy was embroiling with increase in public control, economic freedom – with bureaucratic centralization, public servants outrages, law enforcement and fiscal agencies, free market – with transformation of public authority into rent source and corruption – to «organic» component of economic relations. The merge of public authority and business into a «weird conglomerate where the business gains a direct access to the public authority and the public authority transforms into a business» stayed almost the most pressing issue of Ukrainian economy.But the Russian party within the first two decades after the USSR dissolution taking its economic strength that was significantly greater than Ukrainian one, permanently tried to foist own «rules of game» to social and political elite (subject to availability of this term) of the latter, own old economic model, constantly initiating a lot of reintegration projects (like CIS) to return former republics of the Soviet Union to its imperial/neo-imperial dominance.The matter of division of foreign property of the former USSR became one of the most charged matters in Russian-Ukrainian relations after December 1991. This problem controversially united social and economic issues extremely important for revived Ukrainian statesmanship with social and humanitarian component.The matter of division of foreign property of the former USSR was left unsettled prior to the very beginning of the Russian aggression against Ukraine and annexation of Crimea as well as occupation of parts of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts districts in 2014. ; В статье освещены двусторонние отношения между Украиной и Российской Федерацией в период после распада СССР, происходящие из-за разнопланового видения системы взаимоотношений между странами и которые определялись целым рядом особенностей и парадоксов. Попытки установить выгодный именно себе формат отношений, открытое игнорирование позиции и интересов партнера, взаимные обвинения периодически менялись попытками компромисса и поиском оптимальных путей преодоления кризисных явлений. А последних было более чем достаточно и не только в межгосударственных отношениях. ; В статті висвітлено двосторонні відносини між Україною та Російською Федерацією в період після розпаду СРСР, які походили з різнопланового бачення системи співвідношення між країнами та визначалися цілим рядом особливостей та парадоксів. Спроби встановити вигідний саме собі формат відносин, відкрите ігнорування позиції та інтересів партнера, взаємні звинувачення періодично змінювалися спробами компромісу та пошуком оптимальних шляхів подолання кризових явищ. А останніх було більш аніж достатньо і не лише у міждержавних стосунках.

A partir de la constatación del profundo cambio en la relación con lo público en las sociedades contemporáneas y de la distinción entre dos formas de participación, examinamos los vínculos entre la participación de los alumnos y la educación para la ciudadanía en el marco escolar. El texto se divide en dos partes, una presenta la construcción de nuestra cuestión de investigación, la otra se apoya en los resultados de una encuesta doctoral, realizada en las escuelas primarias en Ginebra, sobre las prácticas escolares de participación denominadas «consejo de clase», que consisten en la reunión del conjunto de los miembros de una clase en torno a cuestiones relacionadas con la vida escolar. Son particularmente destacables dos aspectos de los resultados de la encuesta: por un lado, el mecanismo de participación es objeto de un proceso de escolarización donde predominan los lugares comunes y las costumbres escolares; por otro, la constatación de injusticias vividas por los alumnos desemboca en la formulación de juicios morales. Este último resultado abre perspectivas interesantes para las didácticas de las ciencias sociales y de la educación para la ciudadanía: la construcción, por la vía del ejercicio de capacidades de emitir juicios, de conceptos que pertenecen al área jurídico–política. ; Taking into account the deep changes regarding the relationship with the Res publica in our societies as well as the distinction between two ways of participation, we examine links between students' participation and education for citizenship in the school frame. The text is divided into two parts, one presents the construction of our research question, the other leans on the results of a doctoral survey. The latter was carried out in primary schools in Geneva, its object is a participation device called «Class Council», that consist in the regular meetings of all members of the class about questions related to school life. Two aspects of the results of the survey are particularly outstanding: on the one hand, the participation device is the object of a process of schooling where commonplaces and school habits predominate; on the other, the verification of injustices students have to put up with, results in the formulation of moral judgements. This last result opens interesting perspectives for the didactics of social sciences and for education to citizenship: for example, the construction, by the exercise of skills of issuing judgements, of legal and political concepts. ; A partir du constat d'une mutation profonde en rapport à la chose publique dans les sociétés contemporaines et de la distinction entre deux formes de participation, nous examinons les liens entre la participation des élèves et l'éducation à la citoyenneté dans le cadre scolaire. Le texte se divise en deux parties, l'une présente la construction de notre question de recherche, l'autre repose sur des résultats d'une enquête doctorale, menée à l'école primaire à Genève ; cette dernière porte sur des pratiques scolaires de participation dénommées « conseil de classe »consistant dans la réunion de l'ensemble des membres d'une classe autour de questions liées à la vie de celle-ci. Deux aspects des résultats de l'enquête sont particulièrement soulignés : d'une part, le dispositif de participation est l'objet d'un processus de scolarisation où prédominent les lieux communs et les coutumes scolaires; de l'autre, la prise en compte des injustices vécues par les élèves aboutit à la formulation de jugements de justice. Ce dernier résultat ouvre des perspectives intéressantes pour les didactiques des sciences sociales et de l'éducation à la citoyenneté: la construction, par le biais de l'exercice des capacités de jugement, de concepts appartenant au domaine juridico-politique.

Para este trabajo, seleccionamos los programas Bailando por un sueño, Intratables y El show de la mañana, y retomamos algunas expresiones de los sujetos que participaron en grupos de discusión durante los meses de octubre, noviembre y diciembre de 2016 en Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, Rosario y Córdoba.Estos programas televisivos, en tiempos de una "democracia mediatizada", son centrales en la modelización de lo político en un sentido muy distinto a lo que definía el concepto de "videopolítica" en los 90. Uno de los cambios a considerar remite al impacto del desarrollo de internet y a los dispositivos asociados para un tipo de "participación mediatizada" en vivo, que transforma sustantivamente el lugar y la posición que tenía el espectador de los viejos medios masivos de comunicación. Con relación al "objeto" de estos programas, es posible identificar y reconstruir una modelización recurrente en el qué se dice y cómo; construcción ideológica que encuentra en la macro forma compartida del panel, por ejemplo, una manera de presentar "diversidad de voces", en tanto expresión resultante del proceso de trabajo que vincula estética y política en la construcción de una "verdad" sobre el contexto político actual.La estrategia expositiva y argumentativa es la siguiente: 1) Presentamos y caracterizamos estructuralmente a los programas seleccionados y los vinculamos con expresiones rescatadas de los grupos de discusión. 2) Seleccionamos ejes de comparación que posibilitan la precisión de recurrencias entre ellos. 3) Finalmente, con los resultados del recorrido descriptivo y analítico, exponemos rasgos y dinámicas de las novedosas formas de estetización de lo político —en el sentido benjaminiano— como proceso orientado a que las masas —en nuestro caso, los individuos— expresen sus demandas. ; This article is a partial presentation of a larger research entitled Oriented Investigation Project (PIO) "The politicization of spectacle: production, texts and reception of entertainment television shows" (2015-2018), financed by CONICET and the Public's Defense in Audiovisual Communication Services. For this research, we selected television shows Bailando por un sueño (Dancing for a dream), Intratables (Untreatables), and El show de la mañana (The Morning show), and analyzed some expressions of the participants of discussion groups conducted in the cities of Buenos Aires, Rosario and Cordoba during October, November and December 2016.In times of "mediatized democracy", these TV shows are important for the modeling of politics, but in a very different way of the "video politics" in the 90's. One of the transformations to be considered refers to the impact of Internet and its associated devices leading to a certain live "mediatized participation", that substantially changes the place and position of spectators of old media. At the same time, and concerning to the "object" of these shows, it is possible to identify and reconstruct a modeling of what is said and how it is said. This ideological construction finds in a panel-type format a way of adducing "diversity of voices" and building, through the bondage of esthetics and politics, a strong "truth" of the current political context.The exposition and argumentative strategy comprises: 1) a structural presentation and characterization of the selected shows, linking them with expressions taken from the focus groups; 2) the selection of some dimensions for comparison that allow us to detect recurrent thoughts and expressions in the groups; and 3) the results of such description and analysis, exposing features and dynamics of the novel forms of aesthetization of politics —in the Benjaminian sense of the term— as a process for the masses —individuals, in our case— express their demands.

The present article aims to examine the Black Sea / Kuban Cossacks' songs as one of the most important historical sources, which allows us to understand the important aspects of the history of the North Caucasus Ukrainian people'. This is primarily due to the new challenges needed to study the evolution of their identity, certain features of the mentality, and "survival strategies" characteristic for the Ukrainian population in the region. New questions put by historians require expansion of sources where song tradition, folklore, etc., can become invaluable material for comprehension and interpretation of the new understanding of the history process. The authors have based on the fact that in recent times there have been a fundamental change of attitude towards scientific issues and accordingly to sources, which scientists were based on. Strict approaches and requirements to sources which historians relied on during the period of "positivism" have become much more flexible and spread to the analysis of art, culture and folklore of certain social groups and historical periods. It has become possible to find new approaches to solving problems of scientific research and expand the range of issues which can already be answered. One of the unexplored phenomena, yet barely covered in the domestic science is the history of Ukrainian communities of the North Caucasus (Kuban) area. The authors propose to consider the peculiarities of mentality of this community through the prism of song tradition of the Black Sea / Kuban Cossacks that played a crucial role in all spheres of life.Besides, the features of song traditions of Ukrainian Cossacks (worth noting the important role of folk choreographic culture - Cossack dance) which react very quickly to current events of certain historical periods allows us to consider it as a very important indicator of community' response to new circumstances (social, economic, ideological) in which the community was. The approach enables us to view features of "history of mentalities" of the Ukrainian community in the region much more than focusing on official documents and political declarations. ; В статье рассматриваются песни черноморских/кубанских казаков как один из важных исторических источников, позволяющих понять важные аспекты истории украинского населения Северного Кавказа. Прежде всего это связано с новыми проблемами, которые необходимо решить для исследования эволюции идентичностей, особенностей менталитета и определенных "стратегий выживания", характерных для украинского населения этого региона. Новые вопросы историков требуют, соответственно, расширения источниковой базы, в которой песенная традиция, народные танцы, фольклор и т. д. могут стать бесценным материалом. По мнению авторов, песенная традиция украинских казаков, которая достаточно оперативно реагировала на актуальные события определенных исторических периодов, позволяет рассматривать ее как чрезвычайно важный показатель реакции сообщества на новые обстоятельства (социальные, экономические, мировоззренческие), в которых это сообщество оказалась. ; У статті розглядаються пісні чорноморських/кубанських козаків як одне з важливих історичних джерел, що дозволяють зрозуміти важливі аспекти історії українського населення Північного Кавказу. Насамперед це пов'язано з новими проблемами, які необхідно вирішити для дослідження еволюції ідентичностей, особливостей менталітету та певних "стратегій виживання", характерних для українського населення цього регіону. Нові питання істориків вимагають, відповідно, розширення джерельної бази, в якій пісенна традиція, народні танці, фольклор тощо можуть стати безцінним матеріалом. На думку авторів, пісенна традиція українських козаків, що досить оперативно реагувала на актуальні події певних історичних періодів, надає можливість розглядати її як надзвичайно важливий показник реакції спільноти на нові обставини (соціальні, економічні, світоглядні), в яких ця спільнота опинилася.

In 2014, a new reform of the VET system in Denmark was decided by a broad political coalition in the Parliament. This reform implies fundamental changes in VET, for example by changing the course structure and design, by an intended boost of teaching quality, by limited access, and a separation of young and adult learners in separate classes. The reform is based on four clear objectives. For each objective additional result targets are set. The objectives and targets are: 1) More students should choose to start a VET immediately following form level 9 or 10. By 2025 at least 30 per cent should choose a VET immediately following form level 9 or 10. 2) More people should complete a VET. The completion rate must improve from 52 per cent in 2012 to 67 per cent by 2025. 3) The VETs must challenge all students in order for them to reach their fullest potential. The share of the most gifted students must increase year by year. 4) The trust and well-being of students enrolled in the VETs must be strengthened. The well-being of the students and the satisfaction of the businesses hiring the students (for apprenticeship) must gradually increase up until 2020. This extensive focus on reform objectives and targets reflects governance principles of performance management. Performance management is an idea that is growing in popularity, in Europa and abroad. In Denmark, the VET reform represents an example of how management philosophy and ideas of performance management inform a number of current reforms in the policy area of education. The logic of performance management is that organizations and individuals are given objectives, measurable indicators are derived from these objectives, and features such as authority or incentives are deployed in order for organizational actors to meet or improve performance (Pollitt, 2013: 346-7). To ensure the implementation of the reform the Ministry of Education has formulated the objectives and targets. At the same time a data warehouse is built to provide both the ministry and local colleges with data for monitoring trends in target achievement. This governance on performances is on the one hand done with the purpose to ensure development and progression of VET on a national scale, on the other to qualify, inform and boost quality work at local level. Hence, this paper explores the reform implementation at local level of objective 3 on VETs to challenge all students. Objective 3 addresses issues of quality in teaching at VET colleges. The objective realization is based on initiatives of competence development of teachers and managers and a promotion of pedagogical concepts of e.g. project based teaching, individualized teaching meeting the needs of each student, theory-praxis relating teaching, and improved feedback. This paper explores how these initiatives of quality in teaching are implemented by educational managers. From the ministry growing attention, expectations and aspirations are paid to the role of educational managers in VET and their ability to facilitate effective reform implementation at local level. However, the local role and position of educational managers are often ambiguous and followed by a number of individual and organizational challenges. It is these challenges that we want to address and discuss within the framework of performance management and additional governance concepts in Danish VET (party governance, quality governance, taximeter governance). Hence, the question we address in the paper is what challenges do educational managers in VET colleges meet when implementing recent reform initiatives? How do they handle challenges that may arise in the tensions between productivity and development, performance and learning?

This thesis discusses the role and function of the temporary use of urban space within the context of the development process and urban regeneration across the core cities of England. The research utilises the concept of gaps in the cycle of utilisation in land and property to develop a single structured analytical framework to assess the relationship between disuse, interim development as a means to alleviate vacancy and the property development industry. In doing so it attempts to extend existing efforts to interpret temporary urban development by exploring what the thesis comes to define as 'extraordinary' and 'ordinary' forms of short-term reuse. An exploratory, mixed method and multi-scalar approach is used to discuss this dichotomy. Research findings, through a national landscape of the phenomenon of temporary development in the core cities, highlight the characteristics of high profile compared to everyday temporary solutions. In doing so, it exposes the limited frequency of landmark interim solutions in comparison to their more mundane counterparts over a fifteen year period (2000-15). Set against this contextual and temporal backdrop, extraordinary temporary uses are demonstrated to be a marginal but emerging practice of land and property re-use, associated in particular with the aftermath of the financial crisis of 2007-08. Subsequent testing of the spatial distribution and patterning of temporary uses in two selected cities – Bristol and Liverpool – revealed that landmark interim solutions were more commonly centralised in cities than everyday versions, with disproportionately large shares in principal regeneration areas. Through a programme of interviews with key regeneration and development actors, connectivity to urban renewal was shown to be dependent on how the shape and form of local development processes evolve and how regeneration actors' outlooks on temporary use vary over time, as institutional agendas shift and urban economic circumstances change. The thesis explores this shift in the function and emphasis of temporary development in England's second tier cities, from ordinary, everyday forms toward cultural-creative, extraordinary solutions, to discuss the implications of employing high profile short-term uses as mechanisms to incentivise regeneration. Here, the use gap framework developed in this research is shown to be a useful method for conceptualising the rationale behind the variation in stakeholder perspective on temporary development. The model highlights how fluctuating externalities and the interrelating variables of risk, value and time can affect responses taken toward temporary development by the development industry, elucidating a more complete understanding of the role and function of temporary urbanism amongst the wider (re)development process. Ultimately, this thesis argues that while the consensus on temporary use is that it is an effective tactic to assist in the continuation of regeneration, it can also leave some temporary users exposed to the vicissitudes of the market. Extraordinary users bear a disproportionate share of the potential risks associated with development, often without commensurate reward. This illustrates how temporary use can engender opportunity for creativity and innovation as part of the regeneration process, but also, demonstrates how risk-shifting rationalities in the development industry can mean that economic, social and political costs accrue inordinately for temporary users. The research specifies that recognition of the locally specific and multi-dimensional nature of the development process and appreciation of the complexity of the interrelationships between the actors involved are of critical importance in any attempt to understand the role and function of temporary use. It concludes that by understanding the evolution of local structures and actions, over time and across space, the nature and form of temporary development can be better appreciated and strategies to successfully manage it developed.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of the article is to investi­gate the problem of success/failure of the complex process of seculari­zation in Russia in the context of historical developments, especially the Reformation(s), and to propose a new conceptualization of the field of research. Within the scope of investigation, secularization is understood as the process of incessant production of knowledge that leads to progressive differentiation and distinction of various aspects of society on the level of macrostructures.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: There is a need to assess anew the linkage between the Reformation(s) as a prolonged process of questioning of all cultural formations (epis­temes) and the particular historical settings in which they manifested themselves. According to model advanced by Bruno Latour, it can be said that Reformation(s) redefined the procedure of attaining knowl­edge by breaking the logic of procession and instituting the logic of network. Secularization became one of the key modules of reconstitut­ing the knowledge/power relation within different epistemes. Russia has often been perceived as immutable and culturally mute entity "unto itself," untouched by modernity, separate from the dominant Western episteme. This article presents a cognitivist perspective, based on the model of a double helix. It assumes the legitimacy of different narrations of modernity, which may differ in terms of practices of translation, but are still the active actors of the dynamic process of modern continuity and change, as exemplified by trajectories of Reformation(s).THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: First, the article defines the scope of investigation of secularization as the production of knowledge. Then it assesses where and how the "secular parable," whose agent was Reformation(s), performed on large discursive fields of modernity – including its problematic relationship with the theory of modernization. Subsequently, the model of a dou­ble helix is presented as a heuristic tool for understanding the way by which the translation of Russia within the framework of modernity has taken place. Alternative models, like Enlightenment, Euroasianism (Gumilev, Dugin) are discussed within the context of the notion of altermodernity, as formulated by Nicolas Bourriaud. Then, the article assesses, in what way secularization in Russia, understood as a "cultural program" (S.N. Eisenstadt) had formed, over centuries, a heterogeneous text, responding to various temporalities.RESEARCH RESULTS: The result is a proposal of a new conceptualization of the field of research as an interdisciplinary reading of mutuality of relations between Russia and secularization as a continuous translation of the structures of thought and knowledge of modernity in the contextual, historically grounded praxis of power/knowledge dynamics.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Taking a cue from Polanyi's "personal knowledge," the research has aimed at depicting a new cognitive perspective that seriously takes into consideration the interdisciplinarity of knowledge. Research on secularization and research on Russia tend to form two different spheres of scholarly activities, often weighted down by stereotypes. The stereo­type about secularization is that it refers mainly to decreasing the religious aspect of social life, which development is associated with the emergence of modernity. As for Russia, the stereotype is that it does not participate in modernity at all. The article proposes a more productive way of relating Russia and seculariza­tion as a process of translating dispositifs of modernity in a contextual manner, that takes into consideration political dispositions, cultural traits, institutional practices and discontinuities of social development.

After World War two, the psychiatric system in asylum-like structures is deeply criticized. Health professionals, intellectuals and politicians are pushed by civil society to imagine a new mental health care system and at the end of the 1950's the move fore deinstitutionalization begins. The asylums are closed and community mental care establishments are developed. The aim is to reinsert institutionalized patients in community. However, it seems that a certain category of patients is marginalized, and badly cared for. Those are the ones who suffered from severe mental illness. Indeed, changes in the political landscape and the lack of resources prevented an optimal development of the deinstitutionalization. Parallel to that, the United States enter a time of major restrictions: the population explodes in prison and the ones who suffer from mental disorders are over-represented. During the 1990's, the government takes care of their situation and puts in place programs that aim to divert them from the judicial system to the care system. The Mental Health Courts (MHC) are a form of diversion based on the principle of therapeutic jurisprudence. This work presents a critical synthesis of this subject's literature by investigating the studies of efficiency of these institutions. The limits of those specialized courts are then discussed and compared to other states which contributes to consider other alternatives. The MHC offer some promising leads but don't embody a solution to the complex problems found in the interface between mental care and justice. They shouldn't conceal neither other forms of upstream diversion (before arrest and before sentence) nor the central question of access in the domain health care for all. ; Après la seconde guerre mondiale, le système psychiatrique asilaire des États-Unis est vivement critiqué. Les professionnels de santé, les intellectuels et les politiques, poussés par la société civile, imaginent un nouveau système de soins en santé mentale et le mouvement de désinstitutionnalisation s'amorce à la fin des années 1950. Les asiles ferment et on développe des centres de santé mentale ambulatoires. L'objectif est de réinsérer les patients institutionnalisés dans la communauté. Pourtant, il semble qu'une certaine catégorie de patients se soit au contraire retrouvée à la marge, précarisée et mal soignée. Il s'agit de ceux qui souffraient de troubles mentaux les plus sévères. En effet, les changements d'orientation politique et le manque de ressource auraient empêché un déroulement optimal de la désinstitutionnalisation. En parallèle, les États-Unis entrent dans un période répressive importante : la population carcérale explose et les personnes souffrant de troubles mentaux y sont surreprésentées. Dans les années 1990, le gouvernement se préoccupe de leur situation et met en œuvre des programmes ayant pour but de les détourner du système judiciaire vers le système de soins. Les Tribunaux de Santé Mentale (TSM) constituent une forme de déjudiciarisation basée sur le principe de jurisprudence thérapeutique. Ce travail présente une synthèse critique de la littérature à ce sujet en examinant les études d'efficacité de ces institutions. Les limites de ces tribunaux spécialisés sont ensuite discutées et une comparaison à d'autres États contribue à envisager des alternatives. Les TSM offrent des pistes prometteuses mais ils ne constituent pas une solution en soi aux problèmes complexes situés à l'interface entre la santé mentale et la justice. Ils ne doivent pas masquer les autres formes de déjudiciarisation en amont (en pré-arrestation et pré-sentenciel) ni la question centrale de l'accès aux soins en santé mentale pour tous.