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The international empirical evidence on the economics of education reveals one central insight and two puzzles, which are all relevant for the case of the Baltic States. The central insight is that social rates of return to education tend to be higher than the social opportunity costs of capital, except for the case of higher education. Based on this microeconomic evidence, the case for public investment in education is well founded, especially at the primary and the secondary levels. The first puzzle is that at the macroeconomic level, the presumed positive link between increases in educational attainment and income growth is difficult to detect. One reason is that a high rate of absorption of well-educated workers by the government sector, typical for many developing countries, is likely to reduce the long-run growth rate. The second puzzle is that there is no clear link between higher spending on educational inputs and higher educational output in the form of improved performance of pupils. As it seems, higher spending on education is not sufficient to improve performance as long as inefficiencies in the schooling system remain. For the Baltic States, three basic lessons emerge from the international evidence: First, public investment in higher education does not show up as a top priority from a social point of view; second, the macroeconomic return to education could turn out to be low if better educated workers predominantly end up in the relatively large government sectors typical for the Baltic States. Third, the productivity of schooling could probably be improved, for instance by a different allocation of resources within the education sector. Most likely, such an outcome would require a fundamental reform of the schooling system itself, not only in the Baltic States.

Founded as the Department of External Affairs in 1909, Canada's Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade took full advantage of its recent centenary to celebrate its past. Among the manifestations were a large banner on the outside of the department's headquarters, the Lester B. Pearson building in Ottawa, a postage stamp, several conferences, and a number of publications, including the proceedings of a conference held in Ottawa in December 2008 and a collection of important documents created over the years since the department's establishment. What has the department done to record its history over those years and make it known, and what can be learned from it? Adapted from the source document.

The article is devoted to the research of the problem of forming a positive image of the People's Republic of China (hereinafter – the PRC) on the International arena. The theoretical bases of the international image of the country and the role of tourism in building up the country's image have been elucidated, the social, political, and economic pre requisites for building up the image of PRC have been revealed.

Compares coverage of international news by four US news organizations with the level of public concern with international problems, as recorded by Gallup polls, 1975-90.

The work is devoted to the problem of attribution of cyberattacks as one of the top important issues on the global agenda of world politics. The subject of this research is targeted offensive computer attacks that perform state tasks. The authors have systematically analyzed the conceptual apparatus, classification features and general indicators, a set of problems related to identification of reliable sources of cyberattacks, as well as the features of targeted attacks and cybernetic groups supported by state actors. This allowed to conclude that the problem of attribution is emerging as a new scientific direction in the field of international information security. Based on the analysis of relevant studies of academic institutions and private companies, an attribution classification was proposed. It was utilized to review conceptual informal models of targeted computer attacks. The authors have analyzed issues of the applied methodological apparatus, which may affect the reliability of conclusions on imposing responsibility on the perpetrator of cyber-attack, while noting that there is a contradiction between the perception of the attribution results by various political blocs and unions. At the same moment, the USA and its allies are reported to pursue a policy of dominance in the field of attribution of targeted cyber-attacks. The paper proves the impact of modern breakthrough information technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution on the security of cyberspace as well as the impact of the attribution problem on the level of international security and strategic stability. This issue includes a complex set of political, regulatory, organizational and technical tasks with a high degree of uncertainty, where political aspects are playing a central role. The conclusions are confirmed by the statistics of public reports of IT companies and publications of leading research institutes. The main scientific result of the work is formulation of the problem of divergence in the attribution of computer attacks between political blocs and alliances, which negatively affects international security. The authors propose topical measures to solve the problem of attribution of cyberattacks.

This article analyses the international conditions during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is an outline of a broad research problem, a historical analysis from the perspective of the decades-long evolution of Yugoslavia's international position. After its expulsion from the Eastern Bloc in 1948, the country balanced between East and West, becoming one of the founders and leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. The author focuses on the aspect of Yugoslavia's role in the politics of the West, especially the US and the EEC, during and at the end of the Cold War. It was the West that could, possibly, have played a role in preventing the disintegration of the country in the early 1990s, in contrast to the USSR, which had its own internal problems at that time. What factors influenced Western support for the SFRY during the Cold War? How did Yugoslavia's position in Western politics change when the Cold War rivalry ended? The author points out the temporal connection between the disintegration of the SFRY and, among other things, the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, the democratisation process in Eastern Europe, German reunification, European integration, and the crisis in the Middle East. In the end, there was a lack of real and coherent action by Western countries to bring about a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Balkans. The consequence of this would be the disintegration of the SFRY and several years of war in the former Yugoslavia.

Latin America's part and problems in the international order that is now emerging have not taken final shape at the present writing (March, 1945), and may not do so for some time after the United Nations Conference scheduled to open at San Francisco on April 25. Nevertheless, most of the main outlines seem to have been sketched in by recent developments, notably by the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals of October, 1944, and two subsequent conferences: the Great-Power conference held at Yalta in February of this year, and the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace (commonly called the Chapultepec Conference) held at Mexico City in February and March.IThe Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, although neither complete nor definitive, did give an official and rather detailed picture of the kind of general international organization the Great Powers were planning to establish. From the point of view of this paper, the two principal features of the plan were (1) that it established a pattern of Great Power ascendancy in the general organization, particularly with reference to its central organ, the Security Council, and (2) that it encouraged the development of regional arrangements and agencies, such as the inter-American system, within the framework of the general organization (Proposals, Chap. VIII, Sec. C). The former feature was reinforced by the Yalta Conference, the latter by the Chapultepec Conference, which was devoted primarily to the task of strengthening the inter-American system and adapting it to the projected general organization outlined by the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals.