This is the first of a series of three 'research note' articles looking at an AHRC funded project on the various research methodologies used by European Union and International Law researchers. The second and third parts will be published during 2008.
This is the first of a series of three 'research note' articles looking at an AHRC funded project on the various research methodologies used by European Union and International Law researchers. The second and third parts will be published during 2008.
In: The SAIS review of international affairs / the Johns Hopkins University, the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Band 41, Heft 1, S. 107-114
In: "Activists on the High Seas: Reinventing International Law from the Mare Liberum?," International Community Law Review (2020) (non edited version, consult ICLR for finalized version)
In: The SAIS review of international affairs / the Johns Hopkins University, the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Band 28, Heft 1, S. 51-53
The case of 'child marriage' has not been extensively studied in international women's rights and children's rights scholarship. This article attempts to contribute to a discussion about cultural diversity and human rights through the case of early marriage. I argue that a strategy based on a uniform marriageable age and a narrow rights-based analysis misses the complexity of both marriage and age. I maintain that the socio-economic conditions in which girls, adolescents and young women live and marry need to be examined and addressed in order to develop relevant and culturally appropriate international strategies. Further, I discuss the cultural specificity of childhood and adolescence in contrast to the international human rights perspective that considers all people under the age of 18 as children.
This study aims to evaluate worldwide official financial flows by international financial institutions to selected 123 countries of the world. The design of the study is composed of a review of literature elicited from research databases, extraction of secondary data of World Development Indicators (WDI) 2020, and mathematical analysis. In real time, cross-sectional country-level data, a classical process of Grey Relational Analysis (GRA) has been applied. Results of the study show that Argentina, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, India, Egypt, Arab Rep., Kenya, Costa Rica, Vietnam, Chad, Tanzania, Colombia, Uzbekistan, Nepal, Indonesia, Nigeria, Rwanda, Cameroon, and Uganda have exceptionally high grey relational grade meaning thereby, having an effective system of obtaining official international financial flows. Zimbabwe, Russian Federation, Botswana, Afghanistan, Bulgaria, South Africa, Burundi, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, Pakistan, Peru, Romania, and Ukraine have poor grey relational grade meaning thereby, having a relatively weak system of obtaining official financial flows. It is a unique study that provides extensive information on the official financial flows of more than a hundred countries of the world and provides the basis for the informed opinion of policymakers, political governments, economic policymakers, researchers, and academia. It also provides valuable information useful for international financial institutions.
Figures like Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and former French National Front leader Marion Maréchal are seeking to establish what we call a new globalist illiberal order. The globalist illiberal agenda extends elements of the globalist project while reclaiming a radicalized view of Christian democracy. Europe's far-right views the global order as composed of strong nations who need to defend their sovereignty on 'cultural' issues while protecting their common Christian roots. We trace their project by focusing on two new institutions of higher education, Hungary's National University of Public Service Ludovika (Ludovika-UPS) and the Institut de sciences sociales, économiques et politiques (Institute of Social Sciences, Economics and Politics—ISSEP), based in France and Spain. Through these institutions, globalist illiberals aim to cultivate new leaders outside the liberal 'mainstream' and redefine the meaning of Christian democracy. We conclude that surging nationalism among mid- to small powers is not resulting in deglobalization but is fostering illiberal globalization, which has no place for those who do not fit in their exclusionary vision of Christian Europe.