Traditionally a core aspect of state sovereignty, immigration control has first moved upwards to the intergovernmental sphere. It has then been brought closer to supranational governance, and is now gradually moving outwards towards the realm of EU foreign relations. This article interprets this move as the continuation of established patterns of transgovernmental cooperation in an altered geopolitical and institutional context. It explains internationalisation as a strategy of immigration ministers to increase their autonomy towards political, normative and institutional constraints on policy-making. Whereas these constraints were originally located at the national level, they are now increasingly perceived in communitarising immigration politics. The shift 'outwards' may thus be interpreted as a strategy to maximise the gains from Europeanisation while minimising the constraints resulting from deepening supranationalism. Yet this might in the long run also yield a widening of the external migration agenda, distracting it from the original focus on migration control.
The advent of Europeans to the land of Africa changed. Its political Social and Economic structure vehemently. After the Boer War the Dutch her sway over South Africa completely fell into the hands of the English. South Africa was a centre of attracts of Indian workers especially in the region of Cape Town, Pretoria and Johannesburg. When the British imperialism ended forever the age old system apartheid also ended forever. The new South African government under the leadership of Nelson Mandela widely opens her gates to Indian Youth. This enunciated the Indian youths to seek their fortune there especially in the field of Agro-processing, IT, Textile, Automotives, etc.
Ensuring more favourable conditions for immigration and circulation of the most educated structures of the foreign-born population has been rapidly becoming one of the most important goals of immigration policies in the economically developed countries. The availability of human capital is the basic precondition for the continuous economic development of every country. Therefore, the aim of the paper is to examine two successful examples (USA and Canada) of legal solutions to immigration policies for attracting and retaining professionals and highly educated individuals. Their bases are embedded in public policies relating immigrants of the majority of countries, both traditionally immigrant countries and the ones that have turned into immigrant countries. The USA and Canada are selected because they had relatively simple and quick procedures for granting immigrant visas back in the 1990s, which enabled a significant number of our highly educated citizens to immigrate to these two countries after the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. Immigration to the USA is based on a system of preferences and it relies significantly on the selection of immigrants based on the needs of the labour market. Canada?s example shows how through efficient development and in a relatively short period of time, the immigration system has been perfected by scoring, i.e. assessing the potential of human capital as the basic precondition for selecting potential immigrants. At the same time, the rapid development of the multiculturalism policy has created opportunities for successful long-term integration.
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I recently played hooky by attending a midweek, midday baseball game at the San Francisco Giants' Oracle Park. The pre-game entertainment was a federal judge swearing in immigrants as citizens. The fifty brand new Americans lined up between the mound and home plate, each one waving a small American flag. The early crowd cheered the […]
by Ng Chi-kwong. ; Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1991. ; Bibliography: leaf 75. ; ABSTRACT --- p.ii ; TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.iii ; LIST OF TABLES --- p.v ; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.vi ; Chapter I. --- THE 1997 ISSUE --- p.1 ; Chapter II. --- EMIGRATION AND BRAIN DRAIN --- p.4 ; The Extent of Emigration --- p.4 ; The Characteristics of the Emigrating People --- p.7 ; The Reasons for Emigration --- p.8 ; The Impact of Emigration Turnover on Organizations --- p.10 ; Chapter III. --- THE DEMAND OF GRADUATE MANPOWER --- p.13 ; Chapter IV. --- RESEARCH OBJECTIVES --- p.16 ; Chapter V. --- METHODOLOGY --- p.19 ; Research Stages --- p.19 ; Research Basis for Stage One --- p.20 ; Research Basis for Stage Two and Three --- p.20 ; The Sample --- p.21 ; Data Collection and Analysis --- p.22 ; Chapter VI. --- RESULTS OF THE FIRST STAGE DISCUSSION AND THE GUIDELINES FOR THE IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS IN THE THIRD STAGE OF PROJECT --- p.24 ; Chapter VII. --- RESULTS OF THE STAGE TWO QUESTIONNAIRE SURVEY --- p.33 ; Chapter VIII. --- RESULTS OF THE FINAL STAGE IN-DEPTH INTERVIEWS --- p.39 ; The Understanding on the 1997 Issue --- p.39 ; The Satisfaction About the Present Arrangements for Hong Kong's Future --- p.40 ; The Participation in the Local Political Development --- p.41 ; The Perceived Functions of Building the Airport --- p.42 ; The Emigration Phenomenon in the Profession --- p.43 ; The Perceived Effective-ness of the Existing Government Policy to Solve the Brain-drain Problem --- p.47 ; The Perceived Impact of the 1997 Issue on the Profession --- p.48 ; The Impact on the Trainees' Motivation to Get Recognition in the Profession --- p.52 ; Top Management Involvement in the Professional Organization --- p.52 ; Chapter IX. --- DISCUSSION --- p.54 ; Limitation of the Study --- p.54 ; The Difference in the Questionnaire Survey and the In-depth Interviews --- p.55 ; Chapter X. --- CONCLUSION --- p.57 ; The Reactions and the Opinions of the Civil Engineering Trainees Concerning the1997 Issue --- p.57 ; Suggestion ...
This paper analyzes the linkage between migration, economic globalization and terrorism concerns. On a broad level, I analyze Canadian economic and political considerations, searching for causal relationships between political and economic actors on the one hand, and Canadian immigration law on the other. Specifically, the paper argues that there are contradictory impulses affecting state sovereignty. These impulses are are currently being played out in the field of Canadian immigration law through several proposed changes to Canada-s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA). These changes reflect an ideological conception of sovereignty that is intrinsically connected with decision-making capacity centered on an individual. This conception of sovereign decision-making views Parliamentary debate and bureaucratic inefficiencies as both equally responsible for delaying essential decisions relating to the protection of state sovereignty, economic benefits and immigration control This paper discusses these concepts in relation to Canadian immigration policy under Canadian governments over the past twenty five years.
In: International law reports, Band 87, S. 500-506
ISSN: 2633-707X
500Aliens — Refugees — Refugee status — Criteria for determination of refugee status — Well-founded fear of persecution — Standard of clear probability — Proof — Procedure to be followed — United States Immigration and Nationality Act 1952 — Refugee Act 1980 — Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951, and Protocol, 1967 — The law of the United States
BACKGROUND: Rates of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) are rising globally and there is concern that increased migration is contributing to the burden of antibiotic resistance in Europe. However, the effect of migration on the burden of AMR in Europe has not yet been comprehensively examined. Therefore, we did a systematic review and meta-analysis to identify and synthesise data for AMR carriage or infection in migrants to Europe to examine differences in patterns of AMR across migrant groups and in different settings. METHODS: For this systematic review and meta-analysis, we searched MEDLINE, Embase, PubMed, and Scopus with no language restrictions from Jan 1, 2000, to Jan 18, 2017, for primary data from observational studies reporting antibacterial resistance in common bacterial pathogens among migrants to 21 European Union-15 and European Economic Area countries. To be eligible for inclusion, studies had to report data on carriage or infection with laboratory-confirmed antibiotic-resistant organisms in migrant populations. We extracted data from eligible studies and assessed quality using piloted, standardised forms. We did not examine drug resistance in tuberculosis and excluded articles solely reporting on this parameter. We also excluded articles in which migrant status was determined by ethnicity, country of birth of participants' parents, or was not defined, and articles in which data were not disaggregated by migrant status. Outcomes were carriage of or infection with antibiotic-resistant organisms. We used random-effects models to calculate the pooled prevalence of each outcome. The study protocol is registered with PROSPERO, number CRD42016043681. FINDINGS: We identified 2274 articles, of which 23 observational studies reporting on antibiotic resistance in 2319 migrants were included. The pooled prevalence of any AMR carriage or AMR infection in migrants was 25·4% (95% CI 19·1-31·8; I2 =98%), including meticillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (7·8%, 4·8-10·7; I2 =92%) and antibiotic-resistant Gram-negative bacteria (27·2%, 17·6-36·8; I2 =94%). The pooled prevalence of any AMR carriage or infection was higher in refugees and asylum seekers (33·0%, 18·3-47·6; I2 =98%) than in other migrant groups (6·6%, 1·8-11·3; I2 =92%). The pooled prevalence of antibiotic-resistant organisms was slightly higher in high-migrant community settings (33·1%, 11·1-55·1; I2 =96%) than in migrants in hospitals (24·3%, 16·1-32·6; I2 =98%). We did not find evidence of high rates of transmission of AMR from migrant to host populations. INTERPRETATION: Migrants are exposed to conditions favouring the emergence of drug resistance during transit and in host countries in Europe. Increased antibiotic resistance among refugees and asylum seekers and in high-migrant community settings (such as refugee camps and detention facilities) highlights the need for improved living conditions, access to health care, and initiatives to facilitate detection of and appropriate high-quality treatment for antibiotic-resistant infections during transit and in host countries. Protocols for the prevention and control of infection and for antibiotic surveillance need to be integrated in all aspects of health care, which should be accessible for all migrant groups, and should target determinants of AMR before, during, and after migration. FUNDING: UK National Institute for Health Research Imperial Biomedical Research Centre, Imperial College Healthcare Charity, the Wellcome Trust, and UK National Institute for Health Research Health Protection Research Unit in Healthcare-associated Infections and Antimictobial Resistance at Imperial College London.
Literature on immigration in Ireland has focused on analyses of rates and flows, the impact of labour migration, immigrants? experiences of racism and integration, and asylum/refugee studies. Empirical work on the response of the host population to immigration is dominated by studies on people occupying the lower levels of socioeconomic attainment. Such studies consistently argue that the lower classes are less tolerant toward immigrants and more likely to exhibit racist behaviour than other social classes due to real or perceived competition for economic resources and/or low levels of education. There have been no in-depth qualitative studies of the Irish professional class in this respect until now. This peer research study seeks to generate a substantive theory of how members of this class respond to immigrants and immigration. Reaching this objective requires examining how Irish professionals conceptualise contemporary immigration, eliciting the factors that influence how they respond to immigrants and immigration, and exploring their main concerns in such discussions. My research contributes to the literature on the intersection of race, ethnicity, and class and to the literature on a small, yet influential, section of the Irish population whose relative advantages include workplace decision making, political power, and access to influential social networks such as the media. I employ grounded theory methodology, with its emphasis on the emergence of new theory through data rather than testing ideas or existing theories. Iterative coding and analysis is informed by the grounded theory recommendation to go beyond ?what arc people saying? and explore ?what is happening?. The interviewees were formerly my professional class peers and aged between 30 and 60. Fieldwork was conducted in 2008 and 2009, a period of socio-economic change in Ireland, substantial even by historic and international comparison. Based on my findings, I argue that the main concern of the Irish professional class, when discussing immigration, is to perform, and be seen to perform, the professional social class norms of tolerance and anti-racism. Dissonance between negative perceptions of some immigrants and some fellow-nationals on the one hand, and class norms of tolerance and anti-racism on the other, is managed through a process I conceptualise as Performing Distance, which, I argue, is operationalised through a range of discursive strategies deemed suitable for the public domain or ?frontstage?: disclaiming, hierarchising, distancing, deflecting, and rationalising. Critically, the performance of racialising discourse is confined to the private domain or ?backstage? among trusted friends and family. Disclaiming refers to the Performance of Distance by claiming to know little or nothing about the subject. Hierarchising refers to indigenous, as well as foreign-born, groups in Irish society categorised and deemed more/less socially acceptable. Distancing from raced and classed others is further supported by descriptions of living and working in homogenous raced and classed spaces with no/few work colleagues, neighbours, or friends, who would be categorised as immigrants. Critically however, this study found that there exists an understanding of the term ?immigrant? which, while drawing on perceptions of racial and ethnic difference, distinguishes between people perceived to be in a position to contribute economically to the host state and groups deemed dependent, or potentially dependent, on state resources. Thus, professional class immigrants are not ?real immigrants?. While immigration is presented as ?not an issue? for the higher social classes, it is perceived to ?impinge? on the lower social classes who are understood to be in competition for resources such as jobs and welfare. Thus the ?problem? of immigration is deflected on to the Irish lower social classes. When immigration is problematised, the rhetoric of rationality is used, grounded mainly in economic arguments and, to a lesser extent, in a perceived threat to Irish cultural identity. Finally, racialising refers to my finding of a ?backstage? discourse which employs racial terms, stereotypes and tropes. ; TARA (Trinity's Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie
María Casares surge como actriz universal en el exilio francés, convirtiéndose en musa de la corriente existencialista y en referente para sus compatriotas republicanos. Gracias a su proyección artística internacional se encuentra con el exilio gallego en Sudamérica, llegando a convertirse así en un icono, no sólo artístico, sino también político para la intelectualidad gallega desterrada, en la esperanza de la ansiada III República. ; María Casares xorde como actriz universal no exilio francés, converténdose en musa da corrente existencialista e en referente para os seus compatriotas republicanos. Grazas á súa proxección artística internacional encóntrase co exilio galego en Sudamérica, chegando a converterse así nunha icona, non só artística, senón tamén política para a intelectualidade galega desterrada, na esperanza da ansiada III República. ; María Casares arises as an universal actress on her french exile, becoming a muse of Existentialism and a referent to her fellow republican countrymen and women. Thanks to her international artistic projection, she meets with the galician exiled in South America, thus becoming an icon, not only artistic, but political as well, for the banished Galician intelligentsia, hoping for the longed-for III Republic.