Suchergebnisse

Le moment est bien choisi pour réfléchir à notre situation en matière de compétence universelle. La plus haute juridiction du système judiciaire français, la Cour de cassation, a décidé le 12 mai 2023 que les affaires d'atrocités internationales pouvaient continuer à être jugées par les tribunaux français sur la base du principe de la compétence universelle. Cette question s'est posée après que la Cour a décidé, en novembre 2021, qu'un suspect syrien ne pouvait être jugé pour « complicité de crimes contre l'humanité » au motif que la loi syrienne ne prévoit pas cette incrimination exacte. Cette décision a été un désastre pour les acteurs du dossier syrien et, plus généralement, pour tous ceux qui sont engagés dans la lutte contre l'impunité. La Cour de cassation vient de clarifier cette interprétation et de revenir sur sa décision, au grand soulagement des acteurs de la société civile impliqués dans le dossier, au premier rang desquels les collègues syriens.

Given the diversity of opinions about whether, how, and towards which end Western societies should defend Ukraine against the ongoing Russian aggression, it would be desirable to spell out clear moral principles and apply them in a contextually adequate way to the situation. This is what Hans-Herbert Kögler tries to do in his contribution to this issue. However, his reasoning remains unclear about the relation between moral philosophy and empirical and historical knowledge about the context of moral action. Furthermore, while he proposes critical-hermeneutic reconstruction as a means to understand the participants in the conflicts, he applies this approach in an asymmetric and insufficiently nuanced way. His view of the conflict as a struggle between democracy and dictatorship about a future world-order is too dichotomic and ignores the history of international law as a practical moral philosophy dealing with situations for which there are no unambiguous principles that could guide action.

AbstractOverlap among international institutions affects the strategic options that are available to actors. Yet no existing approach fully explains who benefits from regime complexity. While some point to materially powerful actors, others highlight weaker challengers of the status quo. Drawing on historical institutionalism, I conceptualize two dimensions of complexity. I argue that depending on the mode of interaction among the institutions in and the degree of institutional fragmentation of a governance area, opportunity structures for weaker challengers are more open or closed. Shifts on these dimensions over time thus lead to an opening or a closure of opportunity structures for challengers. I assess this argument by focusing on such shifts in two areas intellectual property regulation. The article contributes to the overall topic of the special issue and advances the literature on regime complexity by highlighting the divergent effects of different forms of institutional complexity on different classes of actors.

This essay revisits the case of the earthquake that shook Port-au-Prince, Haiti—which completed ten years in January 2020—to discuss the enduring, and often unaccounted for, colonial links between representation and contemporary humanitarian practices that are present in different ways in both North-South (in this case, between US and Haiti) and South-South relations (Brazil-Haiti). Unlike conventional approaches to natural disasters, which tend to focus their object of study in one particular place and time, I would like to propose an approach that instead engages multiple spaces, temporalities and agencies. In the context of this critical approach, and as a background question, I invite us to ask: what does international solidarity mean? The result is a more complex lens with which to look at events that are likely to become more frequent, and to affect the socio-economically disadvantaged in disproportional numbers in the near future due to the climate crisis.

AbstractThis paper investigates the effects of international migration on the schooling and labour outcomes of left‐behind children in rural Tajikistan. Using three‐wave panel survey data, I rely on an instrumental variable strategy to address the non‐random selection into migration. I identify important and gender‐differenced schooling and labour supply responses. My findings suggest that boys living in migrant households are less likely to lag behind at school or work. At the intensive margin, they also report fewer hours of work per week. On the other hand, left‐behind teenage females undertake a higher number of domestic chores. They appear to marry earlier as well. The migration impact on boys appears to be driven by remittances and the improved financial situation of households. The absence of any positive influence on the education of left‐behind girls is likely to be explained by Tajikistan's cultural norms and institutions.

During the past three decades national human rights institutions (NHRIs) have spread to more than one hundred United Nations (UN) member states and become key to human rights enforcement and democratic accountability. Given that NHRIs can take on a life of their own even under adverse conditions, why do governments in the developing world create permanent, independent national bodies with statutory powers to promote and protect human rights? Human rights international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) are crucial for global diffusion. They empower local actors and influence governments in favor of NHRI adoption by mediating the human rights and NHRI discourses and mobilizing shame internationally. An event history analysis offers robust evidence that controlling for the UN, regional organizations, and other rival factors, human rights INGOs have systematic positive effects on diffusion. The case studies of South Korea and Malaysia provide process-tracing evidence that the hypothesized causal mechanisms are operative.

Do knowledge and information about foreign countries affect people's evaluation of domestic situations? Using unique survey and experimental data, this research finds that Chinese citizens with more positive perceptions and especially overestimation of foreign socioeconomic conditions have more negative evaluations of China and the Chinese government. Moreover, correcting socioeconomic misinformation about foreign countries improves one's evaluations of China, indicating that the causal direction is at least partly from rosier estimation of foreign conditions to lower domestic evaluations. The relationship between domestic evaluations and international political knowledge, as measured by familiarity with political affairs and figures in foreign countries, is typically not significant, although awareness of political instability in other countries can increase satisfaction with one's own country. These results contribute both substantively and conceptually to the study of politically relevant knowledge and information, and shed new light on the nuances of information flow and opinion formation in changing societies.

During the past three decades national human rights institutions (NHRIs) have spread to more than one hundred United Nations (UN) member states and become key to human rights enforcement and democratic accountability. Given that NHRIs can take on a life of their own even under adverse conditions, why do governments in the developing world create permanent, independent national bodies with statutory powers to promote and protect human rights? Human rights international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) are crucial for global diffusion. They empower local actors and influence governments in favor of NHRI adoption by mediating the human rights and NHRI discourses and mobilizing shame internationally. An event history analysis offers robust evidence that controlling for the UN, regional organizations, and other rival factors, human rights INGOs have systematic positive effects on diffusion. The case studies of South Korea and Malaysia provide process-tracing evidence that the hypothesized causal mechanisms are operative.

Yildiz Technical University - ICOMOS ICORP International Conference Proceedings, Istanbul, Turkey, 15-17 November, 2012 ; This paper aims at identifying the main problems regarding the impact of the exception of military necessity on the framework for the protection of cultural property in armed conflicts. It explains where the idea of military necessity stems from and what different functions it is nowadays thought to fulfil in that context. It also seeks to elucidate the circumstances under which it became a factor relevant to the treaty framework for the protection of cultural property and answers the question whether in the light of the brisk development of conventional and customary protections for cultural heritage, this exception would be inserted again if the travaux préparatoires of the 1954 Hague Convention were taking place these days. Finally, the paper attempts to discern patterns to avoid and the ones to follow in thinking about military necessity in the context of protection of cultural heritage.

Résumé Le Mali est en 2005-2006 le premier producteur africain de coton fibre, qui plus est de qualité. Le coton s'inscrit dans le riche patrimoine culturel qui s'est constitué autour du textile. La filière coton reflète les conflits de partage de la valeur ajoutée entre les différents acteurs qui la constituent. Elle témoigne des relations asymétriques internationales non seulement entre les pays producteurs et les pays industriels mais également entre la coopération bilatérale et les institutions financières multilatérales comme la Banque mondiale. Il est également un enjeu géopolitique. Le Mali est un des quatre États ayant porté plainte à l'OMC contre les subventions des États-Unis et le dossier coton, a été très conflictuel à Hong-Kong (décembre 2005) comme il le fut à Cancún. Analyser l'évolution de la filière coton et les principales réformes est ainsi éclairant des liens entre l'économie et le politique. L'écheveau très complexe du coton doit être démêlé.

This article presents the findings of a study exploring the consequences and impacts upon a group of employees who worked for an organisation in which white‐collar violations took place. Former employees of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) were interviewed, and the financial, emotional, and psychological effects of the closure of this bank upon their lives documented. Results reveal that the issue of 'secondary victimisation' is of particular importance in this case study, since former BCCI employees considered the detrimental effects upon their lives as a result of the closure of BCCI to be linked to regulatory and media responses to the bank rather than to any crimes which had been committed. This case study illustrates the importance of considering the actions of regulatory authorities and the media in cases of 'white‐collar crime' and their impact upon the individuals whose lives are caught up in 'white‐collar scandal'.

Die Arbeit analysiert die Relevanz einer Ökonomischen Theorie der politischen Medienwirkung mit Beispielen aus der Energie- und Klimapolitik. Das Ziel ist zu zeigen, dass die These: 'der Public Choice Theorie fehlt eine Teiltheorie des politischen Medieneinflusses' nicht verworfen werden kann. Dies geschieht in fünf Schritten (Kapiteln). Die Analyse der Public Choice Literatur im ersten Kapitel ergibt, dass die dazu bestehende Literatur keine eigene Teiltheorie begründet. Im zweiten Schritt wird durch Plausibilitätsüberlegungen gezeigt, dass eine 'Ökonomische Theorie der Politischen Medienwirkung' aufgrund ökonomischer Wechselbeziehungen begründbar ist. Die Auswertung der Publizistik-Literatur belegt diese Überlegungen mit Fakten und zeigt, dass das Berücksichtigen von Kandidatenmerkmalen für entsprechende Modelle wichtig ist. Im vierten Kapitel werden drei Modelle entwickelt. Dabei handelt es sich erstens um ein vierstufiges spieltheoretisches Modell für Wahlen bei dem die Parteien ihre Wahlprogramme unabhängig vom Medientenor formulieren. Ein weiteres Modell für die Legislatur setzt die Idee der Schweigespirale von Noelle-Neumann um. In einem dritten, graphischen Modell wird der Medieneinfluss bei mehrdimensionalen nicht separablen Issues diskutiert. Schließlich werden diese Grundlagen für eine Ökonomische Theorie der Politischen Medienwirkung durch Presseinhaltsanalysen der Energiekonsensgespräche und der deutschen Klimapolitik gestützt. Die Auswertung der Konsensgespräche zeigt, dass die SPD ihre Positionen von der Medienberichterstattung abhängig machte. Die Untersuchung der deutschen Klimapolitik ergab, dass die Bundesregierung sich bei ihrer internationalen Selbstverpflichtung (CO2-Ziel) einerseits und der Regulierungsstrenge nationaler Klimapolitik andererseits opportunistisch zur Berichterstattung über die Konsistenz dieser Politiken verhalten hat. Damit wird insgesamt die Relevanz einer Erweiterung der Public Choice Theorie bestätigt.