Suchergebnisse

Лаборатория исторической информатики Нижнетагильского государственного социально-педагогического института с 2000 г. работает над проектом «Gedenkbuch: Книга памяти репрессированных российских немцев», в рамках которого изданы коллективные монографии по ИТЛ Урала и создана электронная база данных объемом около 100 тыс. персоналий, основанная на материалах учетных картотек лагерей принудительного труда. Целью настоящей статьи является ознакомление читателей с результатами сравнительного анализа социального портрета трудмобилизованных нескольких лагерей Урала по общепринятым параметрам, связанным с содержанием первоисточника - учетных картотек спецконтингента в архивах силовых ведомств. Информационной базой создания социального портрета репрессированных и сравнительного анализа являются архивные источники ИТЛ ГУЛАГа и электронные базы данных, сформированные в процессе создания Книг памяти в период с 1999 по 2021 г. В качестве основных методологических средств исследования используются понятийный аппарат новой социальной истории, просопографический и историко-сравнительный методы, методы исторической информатики. Определены источники, динамика и этапы поступления трудмобилизованных; выявлен спектр национальностей, составивших этот контингент, проведен анализ половозрастного состава, места рождения, социального происхождения, уровня образования, партийной принадлежности, трудовых занятий до мобилизации, причин и масштабов убытия из лагеря и смертности; установлен процент арестованных и осужденных; прослежена динамика демобилизации и освобождения из ИТЛ. В результате исследования выявлена специфика социального портрета в зависимости от места, времени и производственного предназначения ИТЛ. Сложный состав спецконтингента всех лагерей был представлен такими категориями, как заключенные, трудмобилизованные, военнопленные, интернированные. В численном отношении преобладали заключенные и трудармейцы. Несмотря на особый статус трудармейцев, призванный несколько облегчить их положение, все они были заняты принудительным трудом и находились в условиях лагерного режима в общем составе спецконтингента. Труд вольнонаемных составлял незначительный процент от участников строительства промышленных объектов и лесных разработок. В статье сделан акцент на реконструкции социального портрета трудмобилизованных в рамках конкретных ИТЛ Урала. Решение этой задачи позволило выявить обобщенные характеристики социального портрета трудармейцев в целом. Основные социо-демографические характеристики этой категории спецконтингента связаны с российскими немцами и практически совпадают с результатами переписи 1939 г. Однако принципиально важным отличием является то, что наши наблюдения концентрируют внимание не на немецком национальном меньшинстве в составе СССР, а на российских немцах как одной из составных частей спецконтингента лагерей принудительного труда. В соответствии с этой задачей выявлены обобщенные характеристики трудмобилизованных. Значение проведенного исследования определяется введением в историографический оборот просопографических баз данных, объединенных на основе сравнительного анализа.
Since 2000, the Laboratory of Historical Informatics of Nizhny Tagil State Socio-Pedagogical Institute has been working on the project "Gedenkbuch: Book of Memory of the Repressed Russian Germans." Within the framework of the project, collective monographs on the corrective labor camps (ITLs) of the Urals were published and an electronic database of about 100 000 persons was created based on the materials of record files of forced labor camps. The purpose of this article is to familiarize readers with the results of the comparative analysis of social portrait of the persons mobilized for labor in several camps in the Urals according to the generally accepted parameters related to the contents of the primary source, the latter being registration cards of special contingent in the archives of law enforcement agencies. Archival sources of the corrective labor camps of the Gulag and electronic databases that were compiled in the process of preparing the Books of Memory in the period from 1999 to 2021 constitute the information basis for creating a social portrait of repression victims and comparative analysis. The conceptual apparatus of new social history, prosopographical and historical comparative methods as well as methods of historical informatics are the main methodological tools of the research. The sources, dynamics and stages of the intake of persons mobilized for labor were determined; the range of nationalities that made up this contingent was identified, age and sex, place of birth, social origin, level of education, party affiliation, employment before mobilization were analyzed as well as causes and level of departure from the camp and mortality rate; the percentage of the arrested and convicted was established; the dynamics of demobilization and release from labor camps was traced. As a result of the study, the specific features of social portrait were revealed depending on the place, time, and production purpose of the camp. The composition of the special contingent of all camps was complex. It was represented by such categories as prisoners, persons mobilized for labor duty, prisoners of war, and internees. Numerically, prisoners and labor armyists predominated. Despite the special status of labor armyists, which was intended to somehow alleviate their situation, all of them were engaged in forced labor in the conditions of the camp regime together with the rest of special contingent. The labor of free employees constituted an insignificant percentage in the construction of industrial facilities and timber harvsting. The article focuses on the reconstruction of the social portrait of the persons mobilized for labor duty in certain labor camps of the Urals. The solution of this problem made it possible to reveal the generalized characteristics of the social portrait of labor armyists as a whole. Main socio-demographic characteristics of this category of special contingent are associated with Russian Germans and practically coincide with the results of the 1939 census. However, a fundamentally important difference is that our observations focus not on the German national minority within the USSR but on Russian Germans as a part of special contingent of forced labor camps. In accordance with this task, generalized characteristics of the persons mobilized for labor duty were revealed. The significance of the study is determined by the introduction into the historiographical circulation of prosopographical databases that were combined on the basis of comparative analysis.

Один із важких наслідків війни на Донбасі – поява стотисячних мас бійців з ПТСР, які після демобілізації і повернення в громадянське суспільство вносять в нього усі особливості мілітаризованих світосприйняття і свідомості, страждають самі і нерідко негативно впливають на взаємовідносини між людьми, подальший розвиток соціуму. Проблема реабілітації учасників АТО (ООС) в Україні за своїми масштабами вийшла на державний рівень. У статті дається аналіз практики культурологічного забезпечення реабілітації учасників бойових дій на різних етапах ліквідації наслідків БПТ. ; The article provides an analysis of the practice of cultural support for the rehabilitation of participants in combat operations at various stages of the elimination of the consequences of CSR (Combat stress reaction). One of the dramatic consequences of the war in the Donbass is the appearance of hundreds of thousands of PTSD fighters who, after demobilization and return to civil society, bring all the peculiarities of militarized world perception and consciousness into it, suffer from themselves and often negatively affect the interrelationship between people and the further development of society. The author believes that the magnitude and urgency of the problem of rehabilitation of ATO (JFO) participants in Ukraine, which in its scale reached the state level, puts forward among the factors that should guarantee its qualified solution, -cultural support for the recovery of victims from CSR.Cultural support of the rehabilitation process in the study is characterized as a complex system of cultural-leisure, informational and advisory and art-therapeutic measures that contribute to the spiritual and voluntary mobilization of victims of the elimination of PTSD, rehabilitation after treatment, successful adaptation to life in new living conditions and self-realization of personality . Based on the experience of the ATO (JFO) and open source information, the author argues that it should be carried out at all stages of the use of the troops for the purpose and continued at medical hospitals and sanatoriums of different levels. The main directions of the work of culturologists during the maintenance of the rehabilitation process are the influence through the system of forms and methods carried out by means of culture, in support of the moral and physical forces of the personnel, the removal of stressful states, spiritual mobilization to overcome the consequences of CSR, the return of victims to the performance of official duties , adaptation to new living conditions in the peaceful society.The study describes the features of the provision of medical care at various stages of the rehabilitation process, reveals the specifics of its cultural support. On the battlefield, where the first medical aid is provided, the creation of a non-regular group of amateur activists-psychologists and culturologists who have a certain level of knowledge and skills in overcoming of combat stress situations, can significantly increase the range of rehabilitation effects already in the early stages of the manifestation of PTSD. In medical units of the first level (medical point of the battalion), where the pre-medical (first medical) medical aid is provided, cultural restraint and individual work with the victims are organized for those with neurotic reactions to stress.The peculiarity of cultural work in medical units of the second level (the medical point of the regiment, the medical brigade company or the military mobile hospital, the in-patient departments of district and city hospitals or hospitals located near the combat zone - where trying to prevent the transition of PTSD to the victims of the chronic stage) is that , that it can be carried out both on the basis of mobile and fixed institutions of culture and rest. Here are organized and held: performances by art workers, cultural and artistic brigades and amateur teams; broadcasting movies and videos; meetings with representatives of creative groups; visiting children; satisfaction of religious needs; Exposition of photo exhibitions; providing artistic literature; culturological health-improving training, etc.In the medical institutions of the third (military mobile hospital, military hospital, central district hospital) and the fourth (military medical clinic, regional clinical hospital, specialized centers and institutes) levels, cultural maintenance of rehabilitation is mainly organized on the basis of stationary institutions of culture and recreation. This period is aimed not only at the development of communicative activity, the formation of "taste" for social contacts, but also on the personal growth of victims of CSR.The author comes to the conclusion that in the Armed Forces of Ukraine there has been some experience in culturological activity in providing rehabilitation of ATO (JFO) participants. However, there are serious shortcomings, such as the lack of qualified art therapists and creativity rehabilitation programs, the lack of a clear system in work at different stages of recovery, a small assortment of forms and methods for the elimination of PTSD in amputees, fighters with neurotrauma and vision loss , which reduces the whole set of forms and methods of cultural influence to the level of amateur and cultural-leisure activities. The analysis allows us to recommend in the implementation of cultural support of the rehabilitation process to make the most of the experience of advanced armies, the capabilities of technical means necessary for the transfer of the Armed Forces to NATO standards. The experience of the war in the East of Ukraine also requires the creation of a sophisticated system of training for effective cultural impact on the achievement of a positive result in the rehabilitation of veterans of combat operations and members of their families.

The paper investigates some of the problem aspects of regulatory and legal regulation of the introduction and termination of a special period in Ukraine. Legislative definitions of the concept "special period "are analyzed. The judicial practice is investigated and the problems of understanding the concept of a special period and the time limits of its action are emphasized. It is underlined that in Ukraine there are two legal forms of functioning of the country in the field of defense, a peacetime and a special period. The legal nature of the "special period" is revealed, the relevant components, the grounds for its introduction and the time of its termination are determined. The content of the legal regime "martial law", and the concepts of "mobilization time", "military formations" is disclosed. In particular, it is emphasized that the concept of "mobilization time" can have two different meanings, and the meaning of this concept for determining the time limits of a special period. The paper substantiates the period of duration of the special period and analyzes the components that determine and are covered by the time boundaries of the special period. The author analyzes the legal concept of martial law, emphasizes the difference between the concepts of wartime and the legal regime of martial law, and their relationship with the understanding of the duration and spread of the special state. The moment of the beginning of the martial law regime and the legal basis for its introduction are investigated and determined. The work substantiates the period of the duration of a special period. The significance of the Declaration by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of a state of war for the beginning of the special period is determined. It is also stated that the recovery period after the end of hostilities cannot occur in a country in which there was no wartime.The concept of "military authorities", "Armed Forces of Ukraine", "military formations" is investigated and analyzed.The concept of "armed aggression" and actions that are considered armed aggression as the basis for the introduction of a special period are also studied.It is concluded that the "special period" begins with the publication of the Decree of the President of Ukraine "On Mobilization", and the completion will be the full implementation of the Decree of the President of Ukraine "On Demobilization". ; В статье исследуются некоторые проблемные аспекты нормативно-правового регулирования введения и окончания особого периода в Украине. Проанализированы законодательные определения понятия «особый период». Исследована судебная практика и подчеркнута проблематика понимания понятия особого периода и временных границ его действия. Подчеркнуто, что в Украине существует две правовые формы функционирования страны в сфере обороны, это функционирование страны в мирное время и в особый период. Раскрыта правовая природа «особого периода», определены соответствующие составляющие, основания его введения и время окончания. Раскрыто содержание правового режима «военное положение», и понятий «время мобилизации», «военные формирования». В частности, подчеркнуто, что понятие «время мобилизации» может иметь две разные смысловые нагрузки, и значение этого понятия для определения временных границ особого периода. В работе обосновывается период продолжительности особого периода, анализируются его составляющие, определены временные границы особого периода. Проанализированы законодательные понятие военного положения, подчеркнуто разницу между понятиями военное время и правовой режим военного положения, их соотношение с пониманием продолжительности и распространения особого периода. Исследованы и определены момент начала действия режима военного положения и правовая основа его введения. Определено значение объявление Верховной Радой Украины состояния войны для начала особого периода. Указано также, что восстановительный период после окончания военных действий не может наступить в стране если не было военного времени.Исследовано и проанализировано понятие «органы военного управления», «Вооруженные Силы Украины», «военные формирования».Исследованы также понятие «вооруженной агрессии» и действия которые считаются вооруженной агрессией, как основание для введения особого периода.Сделан вывод, что «особый период» начинается с момента обнародования Указа Президента Украины «О мобилизации», а окончанием будет полное выполнение Указа Президента Украины «О демобилизации». ; В статті досліджуються деякі проблемні аспекти нормативно-правового регулювання введення та закінчення особливого періоду в Україні. Проаналізовано законодавчі визначення поняття «особливий період». Досліджено судову практику та підкреслено проблематику розуміння поняття особливого періоду та часових меж його дії. Підкреслено, що в Україні існує дві правові форми функціонування країни в сфері оборони, це мирний час та особливий період. Розкрита правова природа «особливого періоду», визначені відповідні складові, підстави його введення та час закінчення. Розкрито зміст правового режиму «воєнний стан», та понять «час мобілізації», «військові формування». Зокрема підкреслено, що поняття «час мобілізації» може мати два різні змістовні навантаження, та значення цього поняття для визначення часових меж особливого періоду. У роботі обґрунтовується період тривалості особливого періоду, та аналізуються складові що визначають та охоплюються часовими межами особливого періоду. Проаналізовано законодавчі поняття воєнного стану, підкреслено різницю між поняттями воєнний час та правовий режим воєнного стану, та їх співвідношення з розумінням тривалості та розповсюдження особливого стану. Досліджено та визначено момент початку дії режиму воєнного стану та правова основа його введення. Визначено значення оголошення Верховною Радою України стану війни для початку особливого періоду. Зазначено також, що відбудовний період після закінчення воєнних дій не може настати в країні у якій не було воєнного часу. Досліджено та проаналізовано поняття «органи військового управління», «Збройні Сили України», «військові формування». Досліджено також поняття «збройної агресії» та дії які вважаються збройною агресією, як підстава для запровадження особливого періоду. Зроблено висновок, що «особливий період» розпочинається з моменту оприлюднення Указу Президента України «Про мобілізацію», а закінченням буде повне виконання Указу Президента України «Про демобілізацію».

Один із важких наслідків війни на Донбасі – поява стотисячних мас бійців з ПТСР, які після демобілізації і повернення в громадянське суспільство вносять в нього усі особливості мілітаризованих світосприйняття і свідомості, страждають самі і нерідко негативно впливають на взаємовідносини між людьми, подальший розвиток соціуму. Проблема реабілітації учасників АТО (ООС) в Україні за своїми масштабами вийшла на державний рівень. У статті дається аналіз практики культурологічного забезпечення реабілітації учасників бойових дій на різних етапах ліквідації наслідків БПТ. ; The article provides an analysis of the practice of cultural support for the rehabilitation of participants in combat operations at various stages of the elimination of the consequences of CSR (Combat stress reaction). One of the dramatic consequences of the war in the Donbass is the appearance of hundreds of thousands of PTSD fighters who, after demobilization and return to civil society, bring all the peculiarities of militarized world perception and consciousness into it, suffer from themselves and often negatively affect the interrelationship between people and the further development of society. The author believes that the magnitude and urgency of the problem of rehabilitation of ATO (JFO) participants in Ukraine, which in its scale reached the state level, puts forward among the factors that should guarantee its qualified solution, -cultural support for the recovery of victims from CSR.Cultural support of the rehabilitation process in the study is characterized as a complex system of cultural-leisure, informational and advisory and art-therapeutic measures that contribute to the spiritual and voluntary mobilization of victims of the elimination of PTSD, rehabilitation after treatment, successful adaptation to life in new living conditions and self-realization of personality . Based on the experience of the ATO (JFO) and open source information, the author argues that it should be carried out at all stages of the use of the troops for the purpose and continued at medical hospitals and sanatoriums of different levels. The main directions of the work of culturologists during the maintenance of the rehabilitation process are the influence through the system of forms and methods carried out by means of culture, in support of the moral and physical forces of the personnel, the removal of stressful states, spiritual mobilization to overcome the consequences of CSR, the return of victims to the performance of official duties , adaptation to new living conditions in the peaceful society.The study describes the features of the provision of medical care at various stages of the rehabilitation process, reveals the specifics of its cultural support. On the battlefield, where the first medical aid is provided, the creation of a non-regular group of amateur activists-psychologists and culturologists who have a certain level of knowledge and skills in overcoming of combat stress situations, can significantly increase the range of rehabilitation effects already in the early stages of the manifestation of PTSD. In medical units of the first level (medical point of the battalion), where the pre-medical (first medical) medical aid is provided, cultural restraint and individual work with the victims are organized for those with neurotic reactions to stress.The peculiarity of cultural work in medical units of the second level (the medical point of the regiment, the medical brigade company or the military mobile hospital, the in-patient departments of district and city hospitals or hospitals located near the combat zone - where trying to prevent the transition of PTSD to the victims of the chronic stage) is that , that it can be carried out both on the basis of mobile and fixed institutions of culture and rest. Here are organized and held: performances by art workers, cultural and artistic brigades and amateur teams; broadcasting movies and videos; meetings with representatives of creative groups; visiting children; satisfaction of religious needs; Exposition of photo exhibitions; providing artistic literature; culturological health-improving training, etc.In the medical institutions of the third (military mobile hospital, military hospital, central district hospital) and the fourth (military medical clinic, regional clinical hospital, specialized centers and institutes) levels, cultural maintenance of rehabilitation is mainly organized on the basis of stationary institutions of culture and recreation. This period is aimed not only at the development of communicative activity, the formation of "taste" for social contacts, but also on the personal growth of victims of CSR.The author comes to the conclusion that in the Armed Forces of Ukraine there has been some experience in culturological activity in providing rehabilitation of ATO (JFO) participants. However, there are serious shortcomings, such as the lack of qualified art therapists and creativity rehabilitation programs, the lack of a clear system in work at different stages of recovery, a small assortment of forms and methods for the elimination of PTSD in amputees, fighters with neurotrauma and vision loss , which reduces the whole set of forms and methods of cultural influence to the level of amateur and cultural-leisure activities. The analysis allows us to recommend in the implementation of cultural support of the rehabilitation process to make the most of the experience of advanced armies, the capabilities of technical means necessary for the transfer of the Armed Forces to NATO standards. The experience of the war in the East of Ukraine also requires the creation of a sophisticated system of training for effective cultural impact on the achievement of a positive result in the rehabilitation of veterans of combat operations and members of their families.

For more than a decade, the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire (RCI or the Ivory Coast) are going through serious military-political conflicts which have been accentuated for the Central African Republic in 2012 and for RCI in 2011. These crises, which in most cases are rooted in poor governance and lack of political will have a common denominator: significant material damage and loss of life. Serious crimes in the hierarchy of horror have been committed (war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide). Given the seriousness of these crimes that profoundly transcend human consciousness, both countries have engaged in transitional justice processes, through judicial and non-judicial measures to deal with their painful past and reconcile divided populations and communities. How to integrate justice into a more global strategy of the transitional process for national reconciliation in favour of a new democratic future?It is true that the repression of these crimes by the Central African and Ivorian courts, the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Special Criminal Court (SPC) in CAR or under universal jurisdiction is a priority objective pursued by both countries. However, classical justice has proved incapable of judging all the authors, as their number is important and the facts they are accused of are serious. This is why the Central African and Ivorian authorities have considered complimentary mechanisms to criminal justice aimed at restoring living together among the divided populations, materialized by the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR). It is responsible for establishing a historical truth about the crimes committed in order to definitively turn the page. Apart from this classical institution of national reconciliation, other structures have been created, either to fill the gaps of previous initiatives or to find other new areas. Religion has also played an important role; either it promotes religious tolerance, acceptance of differences or peaceful resolution of conflicts, or it appears as a cause of conflict, through messages of hatred and division.But in this process of reconciling these two objectives, how can we begin the process of national reconciliation without endorsing practices of impunity? It is in this sense that the repression of serious crimes appears as a necessary mechanism of transitional justice.Finally, it is important to note that the crises in both countries are politically motivated, but also institutional. This is why institutional reforms have been initiated in several areas, including Security Sector Reform (SSR) with the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of all combatants. Reforms have also been undertaken in the field of good governance and constitutional justice so that, henceforth, the actions of the rulers are subject to the law. ; Depuis plus d'une décennie, la République Centrafricaine (ci-après le Centrafrique ou la RCA) et la République de Côte d'Ivoire (ci-après la RCI ou la Côte d'Ivoire) traversent des conflits militaro-politiques graves qui se sont accentués pour le premier en 2012 et pour le second en 2011. Ces crises qui, dans la plupart des cas tirent leurs racines dans la mal gouvernance et une absence de volonté politique ont un dénominateur commun : des dégâts matériels importants et en perte de vies humaines. Des crimes graves dans la hiérarchie de l'horreur ont été commis (crimes de guerre, crimes contre l'humanité et crimes de génocide). Compte tenu de la gravité de ces crimes qui transcendent profondément la conscience humaine, les deux pays ont engagé des processus de justice transitionnelle, à travers des mesures judiciaires et non judiciaires en vue de faire face à leur passé douloureux et réconcilier les populations et communautés divisées. Comment intégrer la Justice dans une stratégie plus globale du processus transitionnel pour la réconciliation nationale favorable à un nouvel avenir démocratique ?Certes, la répression de ces crimes par les tribunaux centrafricains et ivoiriens, la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), la Cour Pénale Spéciale (CPS) en RCA ou au titre de la compétence universelle de juridiction est un objectif prioritaire poursuivi par les deux pays. Cependant, la justice classique s'est montrée incapable d'en juger tous les auteurs, tant leur nombre est important et tant les faits qui leurs sont reprochés sont graves. C'est pourquoi les autorités centrafricaines et ivoiriennes ont envisagé d'autres mécanismes complémentaires à la justice pénale destinés à rétablir un vivre ensemble entre les populations divisées, notamment la création des Commissions Vérité et Réconciliation. Elle est chargée d'établir une vérité historique sur les crimes du passé en vue de tourner définitivement la page. En dehors de cette institution classique de la réconciliation nationale, d'autres structures ont été créées, soit pour combler les lacunes des précédentes initiatives, soit pour connaître d'autres domaines nouveaux. La religion a aussi joué un rôle important; soit qu'elle promeut la tolérance religieuse, l'acceptation des différences ou la résolution pacifique des conflits, soit qu'elle apparaît comme cause de conflits, à travers la promotion ou la diffusion des messages de haine et de division.Mais dans la démarche de conciliation de ces deux objectifs, comment entreprendre le processus de réconciliation nationale sans pour autant avaliser les pratiques d'impunité ? C'est en ce sens que la répression des crimes graves apparaît comme un mécanisme nécessaire de la justice transitionnelle.Enfin, il est important de noter que les crises que connaissent les deux pays obéissent à des mobiles politiques, mais aussi institutionnels. C'est pourquoi des réformes institutionnelles ont été engagées dans plusieurs domaines, entre autres, la Réforme du Secteur de la Sécurité (RSS) avec le désarmement, la démobilisation et la réinsertion des tous les combattants. Des réformes ont aussi été entreprises dans le domaine de la bonne gouvernance et de la justice constitutionnelle pour que désormais, les actions des gouvernants soient soumises au droit.

Two fundamental premises I think can be accepted at the outset. First, if the Institute fulfils a useful and needed role in contributing to man's knowledge and understanding of the polar regions, and does it through bold, perceptive, and imaginative leadership, its future is secure. The second premise is that the future of the Institute itself is indisputably locked to the future of the polar regions. With these in mind let us consider briefly, by way of introduction, the founding of the Institute and the circumstances surrounding it. A question may be posed. Would the same kind of Institute be founded today as was founded in 1944. I think the answer would be no. In 1944 the Institute was founded to meet specific needs that were very real and pressing at that time. It is important to note that, as outlined in a previous chapter, the needs in Canada were quite different from those in the United States. In the United States there was in simple terms a desire to preserve for future use the knowledge and information that had been assembled by the U.S. Army Air Force's Arctic, Desert and Tropic Information Center, since it was almost taken for granted that this activity would just fade away in the rapid demobilization which could be expected at the end of World War II. In Canada, however, action stemmed from a comparatively small group of dedicated citizens who recognized the importance of the North to Canada and desired to cultivate more broadly a national concern and awareness of this. Curiously enough the common cause of World War II brought together those individuals from the United States and Canada who were then more intimately concerned with these needs and many of whom shared a common background of experience and interest in the North. Thus, at War's end a binational organization was founded to meet the differing needs of the two countries with responsibilities vested in the Board of Governors with joint Canadian and United States membership. The fundamental basis was a common desire to continue and foster this existing interest in the North, which had been brought into focus by wartime circumstances. To meet these differing needs the Institute was constituted to provide for two general areas of endeavour. The normal mission of a scientific organization to acquire and preserve knowledge was provided for and implemented initially through a grant-in-aid program, the scientific journal Arctic, the establishment of the Institute's library, and the publication of Arctic Bibliography. But in order to create a more general interest and awareness of the North and its emerging significance, an Institute Associate program was also established. This was later extended by the establishment of a class of Fellows, who are elected by the Institute's Board of Governors in recognition of their contributions to polar research and who participate in Institute affairs through election of a portion of the Institute's governing body. One must note that at this time, reflecting the need first for basic scientific knowledge of the North which had been emphasized by the military requirements of World War II, the early interest and concern of the Institute was almost exclusively within the natural sciences. As a result the people called upon in the early days of the Institute because of their experience were drawn largely from the ranks of the natural scientists. In perspective it must also be noted that at the time there were few social scientists with any interest or experience in the North except for a small group of archeologists and anthropologists. Now, twenty years later, circumstances are far different from those at the time the Institute was founded. The immediate needs which the Institute was intended to fill are now being met. The over-all importance of the polar regions to the modern world is recognized. A broad national effort in northern study has emerged in Canada with an increased recognition of the economic, social, and political significance of Canada's northern territories and a responsibility therefor. Prima facie evidence of the very basic concern for the future is demonstrated in the proposed Centennial Fund for Northern Research in Canada, in which the Arctic Institute can be said to have had the guiding hand. The United States now recognizes equally the significance of the North and additionally has mounted a vast national program of scientific endeavour in the Antarctic. Through these efforts there has been a manifold increase in polar research during the last twenty years, and a whole new generation of "polar scientists" has been trained in the process. The appropriate government agencies have recognized their mission and responsibility through the establishment and support of active programs. A number of universities in both Canada and the United States have developed programs of polar, boreal, or northern research through the interest of individual faculty members or in some cases through the establishment of special institutes. And of perhaps greatest practical importance, new funds and resources have become available to create and support these programs. Thus there would in fact be far less need today for the type of institute that was conceived in 1944. Correspondingly the Institute of today bears little resemblance to the Institute of twenty years ago. In response to the changing environment it has altered and expanded its scope of activities in directions which never could have been foreseen twenty years ago. The multiplicity of present Institute activities, all of which contribute effectively to a primary objective of increasing man's knowledge and understanding of the polar regions, has been amply covered in a previous chapter, thus little need be said here, but I do think it is important to consider the principal environmental changes that have affected the over-all field of polar research. .

This report is structured in three parts. Part one is a summary document, including: (i) an executive summary (ii) an introduction; (iii) a review of core concepts of reintegration that will be referred to in this study; (iv) a meta-analysis of reintegration process¬es in the Great Lakes Region (GLR) vis-à-vis the conceptual discussion; and (v) conclusions to the summary document. Part two (annex one) comprises an in-depth review and analysis of data on the reintegration process-es of ex-combatants across the GLR. Part three (annex two) is an in-depth analysis of community dynamics across the GLR. In brief, part one of the study is a meta-analytical and knowledge-focused piece that reflects more broadly on the detailed analysis of the datasets presented in annexes one and two, therefore, this part can be read as a freestanding report. However, it's worth noting that any reading will benefit significantly from exploring the detailed findings in annexes one and two.

The League of Women (Liga Kobiet), until 1949 operating under the name of the Socio-Civic League of Women (Społeczno-Obywatelska Liga Kobiet), was a mass women's organisation functioning in the Polish People's Republic. Throughout the whole period, one of the priorities set by the organisation was to build up its mass character and, thus, to influence different social, professional and environmental groups of Polish women, fitting into the general agenda of implementing the communist regime in Polish society. Most League of Women's members were also members to the Polish United Workers' Party. The League of Women tried to play a role of a "utilitarian" organisation, supporting in a genuine and diverse way the Polish women's environment. The period between 1945 and 1975 was the first stage of organisation's activity; in the communist Polish People's Republic it was a period of "isolation" of the Polish society from the Western world and of a significant influence of the Soviet Union's policy on the social relations in the country. The League of Women was an example of an East European women's organisation in the communist era. ; Liga Kobiet, działająca do 1949 r. pod nazwą Społeczno-Obywatelska Liga Kobiet, była masową organizacją kobiecą działającą w PRL. Przez cały okres jednym z priorytetów organizacji było budowanie jej masowego charakteru, a tym samym wpływanie na różne grupy społeczne, zawodowe i środowiskowe Polek, wpisujące się w ogólny program wdrażania reżimu komunistycznego w polskim społeczeństwie. Większość członkiń Ligi Kobiet należała również do Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. Liga Kobiet starała się odgrywać rolę organizacji "utylitarnej", wspierającej w sposób autentyczny i różnorodny środowisko Polek. Lata 1945–1975 to pierwszy etap działalności organizacji; w PRL był to okres izolacji polskiego społeczeństwa od świata zachodniego i znaczącego wpływu polityki Związku Sowieckiego na stosunki społeczne w kraju. Liga Kobiet była przykładem wschodnioeuropejskiej organizacji kobiecej w czasach komunizmu. ; Uniwersytet w Białymstoku ; Małgorzata Dajnowicz – prof. dr hab., Uniwersytet w Białymstoku, kierownik Zakładu Historii Kultury, Myśli i Ruchów Społecznych na Wydziale Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych UwB. Zainteresowania naukowe: historia elit politycznych XIX i XX w., historia kobiet polskich. W ramach projektu MNiSzW powołała Ośrodek Badań Historii Kobiet. Autorka ponad 130 publikacji naukowych. Podlaska Wojewódzka Konserwator Zabytków. Więcej na stronie prywatnej: www.dajnowicz.pl. ; malgorzatadajnowicz@gmail.com ; 186 ; 2(9) ; 207 ; AAN, KC PZPR, WK, 237/XV-30, Rozwój Ligi Kobiet w okresie od 1945–1951 r., fol. 4. ; AAN, KC PZPR, WK, 237/XV-7, Sprawozdanie Orłowskiej Edwardy, fol. 9–11. ; AIPN, BU 1585/19737, Statut Ligi Kobiet, Warszawa 1967, fol. 2, 6–9. ; APB, KW PZPR, 1124, Realizacja Instrukcji KC PZPR z 1966 r., fol. 74. ; Sprawozdanie z działalności Ligi Kobiet w latach 1979–1981, fol. 82. ; Statut Społeczno-Obywatelskiej Ligi Kobiet", (Warszawa, b.r.w.), 4. ; Konstytucja Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej uchwalona przez Sejm Ustawodawczy w dniu 22 lipca 1952 r., Dziennik Ustaw 1952, nr 33, poz. 232. ; Dajnowicz, Małgorzata. "Działalność Ligi Kobiet na obszarze kraju w świetle czasopism organizacji – »Kobiety Dzisiejszej« (1946–1947) i »Kobiety« (1947–1949)", Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej, z. 3, 2018, 65–72. ; Dajnowicz, Małgorzata. "Główne kierunki działalności Ligi Kobiet w Polsce Ludowej do 1975 roku (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem województwa białostockiego)", Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prace Historyczne, nr 3, 2018, 596. ; Dajnowicz, Małgorzata. "Liga Kobiet w okręgu łódzkim w latach 1945–1981. Główne obszary działalności organizacji", Dzieje Najnowsze, nr 4, 2019, 75–90. ; Dajnowicz, Małgorzata. "»Zwierciadło« – platforma polityczna Ligi Kobiet w okresie PRL (1957–1961, 1982–1989)", Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej, z. 3 (47), 2017, 69. ; Daskalova, Kassimira. "How Should We Name the 'Women-Friendly' Actions of State Socialism?", Aspasia, Vol. 1, 2007, 214–219. ; Dłuska, Stanisława. "Posiedzenie Rady Naczelnej Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet", Nasza Praca, nr 2, 1947, 3–6. ; Eastern Europe: Women in Transition, Irena Grudzińska-Gross, Andrzej Tymkowski (eds.), (Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang, 2013). ; Fidelis, Małgorzata. Kobiety, komunizm i industrializacja w powojennej Polsce, (Warszawa : W.A.B., 2015). ; Gal, Susan. Kligman, Gail. Gender after socialism. A comparative – Historical essay, (New Jersey : Princeton University Press, 2000). ; Ghodsee, Kristen. "Red Nostalgia? Communism, Women's Emancipation, and Economic Transformation in Bulgaria", in: Edith Saurer, Elisabeth Frysak, Margareth Lanzinger (eds.), Women's Movements. Networks and debates in post-communist countries in the 19th and 20th centuries, (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2006), 38. ; Grabowska, Magdalena. Zerwana genologia. Działalność społeczna i polityczna kobiet po 1945 roku a współczesny polski ruch kobiecy, (Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, 2018). ; de Haan, Francisca. "Continuing Cold War Paradigms in Western Historiography of Transnational Women's Organisations: The Case of the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF)", Women's History Review, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2010, 547–573. ; de Haan, Francisca. "Ten Years After: Communism and Feminism Revisited", Aspasia: The International Yearbook of Central, Eastern, and Southeastern European Women's and Gender History, Vol. 10, 2016, 102–168. ; Haney, Lynne. "From Proud Worker to Good Mother: Women, the State, and Regime Change in Hungary", Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, Vol. 14, No. 3, 1994, 113–150. ; Harsch, Donna. Revenge of the domestic: women, the family, and communism in the German Democratic Republic, (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2007). ; Hrabionkina, Anna. "Żanaddzieły, delehackija schody i żansawiety u zachodnich abłasciach BSSR (1946–1950 hh.)", Wiesci Akademii nawuk BSSR. Sieryja hramadskich nawuk, nr 6, 1973, 52–61. ; Jarosz, Dariusz. "Idee, programy i realia. Funkcje Ligi Kobiet w porządku instytucjonalnym Polski Ludowej (1945–1957)", in: Agnieszka Janiak-Jasińska, Katarzyna Sierakowska, Andrzej Szwarc (eds.), Działaczki społeczne, feministki, obywatelki… Samoorganizowanie się kobiet na ziemiach polskich po 1918 roku (na tle porównawczym), (Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Neriton, 2009), 308–330. ; Jarska, Natalia. "A patriarchal marriage? The women's movement and the communist party in Poland (1945–1989)", Kwartalnik Historyczny, nr 2, 2018, 7–37. ; Miroiu, Mihaela. "Not the Right Movement! Women and the Politics of Endless Delay in Romania", Women History Review, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2010, 580–581. ; Mrozik, Barbara. "Pod znakiem planety Wenus. O równość, rozwój i pokój", Kobieta i Życie, nr 46, 1975, 3. ; Nowak, Barbara. "Constant Conversations: Agitators in the League of Women in Poland during the Stalinist Period", Feminist Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3, 2005, 488–518. ; Nowak, Barbara. Serving Women and the State. The League of Women in Communist Poland, PhD diss., (Ohio State University, 2004). ; "Ochrona pracy kobiet", Kobieta, nr 8, 1948, 3. ; Peto, Andrea. "Women's Associations in Hungary: Demobilization and Remobilization 1945–1951", in: Claire Duchen, Irene Bandhauer-Schöffmann (eds.), When the War Was Over: Women, War and Peace in Europe, 1940–1956, (London and New York : Leicester University Press 2000), 135–142. ; Popa, Raluca Maria. "Translating Equality between Women and Men across Cold War Divides: Women Activists from Hungary and Romania and the Creation of International Women's Year", in: Shana Penn, Jill Massino (eds.), Gender Politics and Everyday Life in State Socialist Eastern and Central Europe, (New York : Palgrave Macmillan 2009), 59–73. ; "Pracujemy w Społeczno-Obywatelskiej Lidze Kobiet", Kobieta Dzisiejsza, nr 8, 1946, 17. ; Praspaliauskiene, Rima. "Women's Activism in Lithuania: 1945–1985", in: Edith Saurer, Elisabeth Frysak, Margareth Lanzinger (eds.), Women's Movements. Networks and debates in post-communist countries in the 19th and 20th centuries, (Köln : Böhlau Verlag 2006), 315, 116. ; "Rosną nasze szeregi", Kobieta, nr 48, 1948, 7. ; Skórzyńska, Zofia. "Praca zawodowa kobiet a wychowanie", Więź, nr 6, 1965, 56. ; Tomaszkiewicz, Jerzy. "W stolicy i w kraju", Nasza Praca, nr 2, 1947, 26–28. ; "Udział kobiet polskich w pracach Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet", Nasza Praca, nr 6, 1947, 16. ; WIDF [Women's International Democratic Federation], Second Women's International Congress. Account of the Work of the Congress Which Took Place in Budapest (Hungary) from the 1st to the 6th of December 1948, (Paris : Women International Democratic Federation, 1948), 229–230. ; "Wstępna analiza pracy Ligi Kobiet w okresie 10-lecia jej istnienia", Nasza Praca, nr 1, 1956, 7. ; Zawodowe kształcenie kobiet", Nasza Praca, nr 2, 1947, 13–14. ; Artykuł przygotowany w ramach realizacji projektu badawczego Narodowego Centrum Nauki pt. Liga Kobiet w terenie. Działalność organizacji i realia jej funkcjonowania na szczeblu regionalnym i lokalnym w rzeczywistości Polski Ludowej (1945–1989), nr 2017/25/B/HS3/02015.

The 25 of July of 2005, the national government presided by Álvaro Uribe Vélez, adopted in the Colombian legal ordering well-known Law 975 of 2005 like "Law of justice and peace"; which must have as a generic aim to order "dispositions for the restoration of members of warrior groups organized to the margin of the law, that contribute in an effective way to the achieve national peace (.)", this law is very controverted and torrid and it has been object of several unconstitutionality demands. These norms were raised as a consequence of the Álvaro Uribe government agreements, with the selves defenses for their dismobility, process that imply to adequate the current legislation to make it easier, due to the inapplicability of Law 782 rom 2002 and Decree 128 of 2003 to committed criminal facts during and with occasion of the permanence in warrior groups, which do not have the amnistiable or indultable qualities. In this matter the adaptation of the accusatory criminal system is marked to those punibles conducts, where the subject on which falls the penalty action is the dismobilized one, no matter if he does in an individual or collective way, situation that evidences one of the multiple missing pieces that are seen at the moment of the execution of the law, due to the individual demobilizations suffer a dissimilar proceeding to the collective one. But from the point of the force that has the international pacts in the Colombian political Constitution, it is evident that this norms goes against the international texts recognized by the legislator and that they are part of the political pact. The law that ratifies the of Rome agreement about the Penal Court and the crimes that this one can judge are taxative in which the crimes of lesa humanity, the war crimes and the genocide are imprescriptibly, they can not be indulted, nor amnestied. The enchained hands which the Colombian government was put under sovereignly is not only for the executive authority, but that it limits also the legislative power and the judicial power when it is to pardon and to judge the people in charge of the atrocious crimes and of lesa humanity. The problem is that by means of a constitutional reform the norms of the Penal Court were incorporated and the law of recognition was approved in the internal order of the Statute of Rome (2002 law 742) and of the competence of the Court was approved too. To unravel the nature, I reach and implications of the law of justice and peace, if in essence is a conducive project to clarify the truth, justice and the integral repair to all the victims, in a process that involves to all the actors, groups and sectors jeopardize in the armed conflict Colombian or on the contrary a directed initiative impunity, the pardon and the forgetfulness of all the crimes of lesa humanity committed by the paramilitary, to establish if it incorporates a directed policy of state to solve two aspects that to our critery are the power stations in the solution of the present Colombian conflict, which they are: the displacement and the fight by the land, centric aspects of the investigation project "Displacement and Land within the framework of the Policy of Justice and Peace", on the critery of which the society, the academy, the university, the students and in individual the right faculties must investigate and debate so controverted law that will affect the past, present and future of our nation, to which it is not possible to be outside of the discussion. The present articule is an investigative advance that about the law 975 of 2005 presents the investigative group from its legal analysis and constitutional control that allowed to interpose a demand of partial unconstitutionality against the articule 5 o that incorporates the victim definition. ; El 25 de julio de 2005 el Gobierno Nacional, presidido por Álvaro Uribe Vélez sancionó, incorporando al ordenamiento jurídico colombiano, la Ley 975 de 2005 conocida como "Ley de Justicia y Paz", la cual tiene como fin genérico dictar "disposiciones para la reincorporación de miembros de grupos armados organizados al margen de la ley, que contribuyan de manera efectiva a la consecución de la paz nacional (.)", ley controvertida y controversial que ha sido objeto de múltiples demandas de inconstitucionalidad.Dicha normatividad, que surge como consecuencia de los acuerdos del gobierno de Álvaro Uribe Vélez con las autodefensas para su desmovilización, proceso que implica adecuar la legislación existente para su facilitación, dada la limitación de la Ley 782 de 2002, prorrogada por la Ley 1106 de 2006 y el Decreto 128 de 2003 a hechos delictivos cometidos durante y con ocasión de la permanencia en grupos armados al margen de la ley, que no revistan las calidades de ser amnistiables o indultables. En ella se marca la adaptación del sistema penal acusatorio a tales conductas punibles, donde el sujeto sobre el cual recae la acción penal es el desmovilizado, independientemente lo haga de forma individual o colectiva, situación que evidencia una de las múltiples falencias que se ven en el momento de ejecución de la ley, en virtud que las desmovilizaciones individuales sufren un trámite disímil al que reciben las colectivas.Pero, a la luz de la fuerza que tienen los pactos internacionales en la Constitución Política colombiana, es evidente que esta normatividad va en contravía con los textos internacionales acogidos por el legislador y que son parte del pacto político. La ley que ratifica el Estatuto de Roma sobre la Corte Penal Internacional y los crímenes que ésta puede juzgar es taxativa en que los crímenes de lesa humanidad, los crímenes de guerra y el genocidio son imprescriptibles, y no pueden ser indultados ni amnistiados.Esa atadura de manos a la que el gobierno colombiano se sometió soberanamente no es sólo para el poder ejecutivo, sino que limita también al poder legislativo y al judicial cuando se trata de perdonar y juzgar a los responsables de los delitos atroces y de lesa humanidad. El problema es que mediante una reforma constitucional se incorporaron las normas de la Corte Penal Internacional y se aprobó seguidamente la ley de reconocimiento en el orden interno del Estatuto de Roma (Ley 742 de 2002) y de la competencia de la Corte.Desentrañar la naturaleza, alcances e implicaciones de la ley de justicia y paz, si en esencia es un proyecto conducente a esclarecer la verdad, la justicia y la reparación integral a todas las victimas, en un proceso que involucre a todos los actores, grupos y sectores comprometidos en el conflicto armado colombiano, o por el contrario una iniciativa dirigida a la impunidad, el perdón y el olvido de todos los crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos por los paramilitares; establecer si incorpora una política de Estado dirigida a resolver dos aspectos que a nuestro criterio son los centrales en la solución del actual conflicto colombiano, que son: el desplazamiento y la lucha por la tierra, aspectos centrales del proyecto de investigación Desplazamiento y Tierra en el Marco de la Política de Justicia y Paz, sobre el criterio de que la sociedad, la academia, la universidad, los estudiantes y en particular las facultades de derecho deben investigar y debatir tancontrovertida ley que afectará el pasado, presente y futuro de nuestra nación, al cual no se puede ser ajeno.El presente artículo es un avance de investigación que sobre la Ley 975 de 2005 presenta el grupo de investigación a partir de su análisis jurídico y control constitucional, que permitió interponer una demanda de inconstitucionalidad parcial contra el artículo 5o que incorpora la definición de víctima.

The central theme of the 2011 World Development Report (WDR) is that violent conflict remains a constant threat to human rights, peace and sustainable development. While the nature of violent conflict maybe changing1 its negative impact on poor people in terms of rights violations, public health, forced displacement and diminution of life chances is the same. Critical to establishing peace and the necessary confidence between state and citizen is providing a sense of security, freedom from fear, and the protection of basic rights and entitlements. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship, overlapping and sometimes contradictory, between a range of approaches to security and justice in conflict affected contexts, and to place these efforts within a broader rule of law framework. This, it will be argued, greatly assists in addressing the kind of frictions and blind-spots that commonly exist in making the transition from violence to peace. The paper will then examine some of the instruments and approaches adopted by governments and international partners in addressing the kinds of stresses which result in violent conflict. Finally, it will examine the gaps in the international arena which continue to persist in this area of support. A series of security and justice-themed papers produced for the WDR 2011 outline in more detail the issues, approaches and lessons of the key components including: security, public security in peacekeeping settings, criminal justice, justice and administrative law, and transitional justice.

Resumen: Este trabajo analiza la acción colectiva sindical postnacional en el MERCOSUR en un período histórico signado por profundas mutaciones políticas, económicas, y productivas sociales (1991-2012) a partir de los relatos y representaciones de sus protagonistas. El trabajo cualitativo intentará explicar la configuración del sindicalismo internacional en la globalización, y describir las estrategias del movimiento obrero mercosureño. La metodología cualitativa ilustra un trabajo de campo a partir de entrevistas en profundidad a 34 sindicalistas del Mercosur, y entrevistas adicionales a tres representantes de la Confederación Sindical de las Américas, dos empresarios del Mercosur, un especialista académico en la dimensión sociolaboral de la integración regional y un representante de la OIT en la región. La metodología de análisis e interpretación de dichas entrevistas ha sido la teoría fundamentada, entendida como la técnica más idónea de aprehender los procesos sociales a través de las voces de los líderes obreros, comprender su realidad, sus representaciones y sistema de valores, sus ideas y su acción colectiva. La literatura de los movimientos sociales en la globalización capitalista ha puesto el énfasis en la emergencia de nuevos colectivos cuyos reclamos se concentran en el reconocimiento (Fraser y Honneth, 2006) de sus identidades que el modelo fordista de producción pareció invisibilizar y soslayar ante la primacía de las prácticas económicas y demandas distributivas. Esta tesis conjuga una perspectiva dualista y demuestra que las estrategias de reconocimiento y las reivindicaciones de redistribución de tipo clasista se resignificaron en el escenario postnacional a través de la Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur –CCSCS- (subregional) y, con un desarrollo menor: los Sindicatos Globales (FSI, GUFs) en la acción sectorial [1991-2012]. Para arribar al núcleo configurativo de sus representaciones y su sistema de valores, la investigación transitó por los sentidos y significados del trabajo, las mutaciones productivas y de las condiciones del trabajo, las teorías del fin del trabajo, la precarización y la representación de los trabajadores más frágiles: mujeres, jóvenes y migrantes. En un segundo orden se interpeló sobre la gobernanza mundial, los organismos internacionales, el régimen normativo internacional, la civilización capitalista, para luego abordar el estudio específico del Mercosur y la acción obrera en dicho proceso. El núcleo determinó que para los representantes obreros la acción colectiva sindical debe ser postnacional y su objetivo es limitar la globalización capitalista neoliberal. La CCSCS conformó desde sus inicios un movimiento capaz de elevarse al rango supranacional para representar la voz de los trabajadores del MERCOSUR. La pluralidad configuró su mayor virtud durante sus primeros 20 años, reconociendo una experiencia de aprendizaje de tolerancia y respeto, que ellos definen como la unidad en la diversidad. Esta entidad constituye un patrimonio único como paradigma del sindicalismo postnacional. Los sindicatos del Cono Sur adoptaron diversas modalidades de acción colectiva: a) reactiva (con repertorios de insubordinación, de lucha y resistencia al modelo neoliberal), b) proactiva (con repertorios de incidencia normativa en el MERCOSUR) y c) participativa (con repertorios de producción propositiva de incidencia en la dimensión social del MERCOSUR). Su acción colectiva reactiva, normativa y propositiva fue eficaz a mediano plazo para participar e incidir en el MERCOSUR, crear una dimensión social del bloque y dotar de derechos normativos a los ciudadanos de la región. Su acción tuvo un sentido político de gran poder instituyente, con capacidad movilización y alta exposición pública. Sin embargo, en la segunda década su lógica de construcción quedó subordinada a los procesos nacionales y a los partidos gobernantes, dejó de ser performativa y de creación política, dirimiéndose en la esfera social junto a otros movimientos sociales emergentes, y provocó un ciclo de desmovilización. Simultáneamente, emergió con fuerza otra modalidad de sindicalismo postnacional con la fusión y refundación de los Sindicatos Globales. Su acción sectorial contribuye a restaurar las demandas de distribución que habían quedado soslayadas, pero esta tesis manifiesta que los protagonistas afirman que sus marcos de acción colectiva deberán ser conjuntos para ser exitosa. El sindicalismo postnacional en el MERCOSUR se define a sí mismos como agente de desarrollo, protagonista del modelo socioproductivo, pero también como vehículo partícipe de la democracia y de una matriz sustentable de desarrollo ; Abstract: This thesis analyzes the post-national trade union collective action within MERCOSUR in a historical period marked by profound political, economic, and social-productive changes (1991-2012) arising from the accounts and representations of its protagonists. This qualitative paper will attempt to explain the configuration of international unionism in globalization times, and describe strategies of the MERCOSUR labor movement. The qualitative methodology illustrates a fieldwork that arose from 34 in-depth interviews with MERCOSUR trade union leaders, and additional interviews with three representatives of the Trade Union Confederation of the Americas, two MERCOSUR executives, an academic specialist on the social and labor dimensions of regional integration and a representative of the ILO in the region. The methodology of analysis and interpretation of those interviews has been the grounded theory, which is understood as the most suitable technique to apprehend the social processes through the voices of trade union leaders, understand their realities, their representations and system of values, ideas and collective action. The bibliography of social movements in capitalist globalization has focused on the emergence of new groups whose demands are concentrated on the recognition (Fraser and Honneth, 2006) of their identities, which the Fordist production model seemed to neglect and make it invisible before the supremacy of economic practices and distributive demands. This thesis combines a dualistic perspective and demonstrates that strategies for recognition and class-based redistribution policies have been redefined in the post-national scenario through the South Cone Trade Unions Coordination -CCSCS- (sub-regional) and with less progress: Global Unions (FSI, GUFs) in sectorial action [1991-2012]. In order to get to the organizational core of its representations and system of values, this research paper run through the purposes and meanings of labor, productive changes and working conditions, theories of the end of labor, precarious work and representation of the most vulnerable workers: women, youth and migrants. On a second matter, this paper questions about global governance, international organizations, international regulatory framework, capitalist civilization, and then addresses the specific field of study of Mercosur and the labor action in its process. The core determined that for labor representatives the trade union collective action should be post-national and its purpose is to limit the neoliberal capitalist globalization. The CCSCS established since its beginning a movement able of rising to the supranational level in order to represent the voice of workers in MERCOSUR. Plurality was its greatest virtue during its first 20 years, while recognizing a learning experience of tolerance and respect, which they define as unity in diversity. This entity constitutes a unique heritage serving as a paradigm of post-national trade unionism. Trade unions of the South Cone adopted various forms of collective action: a) reactive (consisting of a set of insubordination, struggle and resistance to the neoliberal model), b) proactive (consisting of a set of regulatory impact on MERCOSUR) and c) participatory (consisting of a set of purposeful production impact on the social dimension of MERCOSUR). Its reactive, proactive and participatory collective action was effective, in the medium term, in order to participate and influence on MERCOSUR, create a social dimension of the block and provide a regulatory framework for the citizens in the region. Its action had a great sense of institutive political power, with a mobilization capacity and high public exposure. However, in the second decade, its logic of creation remained subjected to the national processes and ruling parties, it started losing its performative and policy creation qualities, settling in the social sphere with other emerging social movements causing a cycle of demobilization. Simultaneously, it strongly emerged another form of post-national trade unionism with the merger and restoring of Global Unions. Its sectorial action contributes to restore distributive demands that had been neglected, but this thesis states that the leading players claim that their collective action frameworks should be jointed in order to be successful. Post-national trade unionism in MERCOSUR defines itself as a developing agent, a protagonist of the social productive model, but also as a vehicle to engage in democracy and in a sustainable development matrix

Living Beyond Boundaries: West African Servicemen in French Colonial Conflicts, 1908-1962, is a history of French West African colonial soldiers who served in French Empire. Known by the misnomer tirailleurs sénégalais , these servicemen contributed to the expansion, maintenance, and defense of France's presence on several continents. The complex identity and shifting purpose of this institution were directly linked to French colonialism, but determined by numerous actors and settings. The men in the ranks of the tirailleurs sénégalais came from France's colonial federations in sub-Saharan Africa--French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa. During the twentieth century, tirailleurs sénégalais ' deployed to North Africa, the Levant, Indochina, and Madagascar, where their exploits brought them into contact with other imperial populations. Tirailleurs sénégalais played crucial roles in assembling and disassembling French empire. The tirailleurs sénégalais provide a unique West African perspective of France's colonial empire that challenges national and French colonial readings of this colonial military institution. Tirailleurs sénégalais were colonial soldiers and intermediaries who experienced French colonialism unlike other colonized peoples. As employees of the colonial state, West African soldiers were often among the first populations to experience novel colonial policy. As soldiers, they implemented those policies in foreign colonial populations. However, these men were not simply the conveyors of colonialism. Their imperial assignments in colonial wars evidenced the importance of lateral exchanges of knowledge and experience between colonial populations linked together by France's presence. The tirailleurs sénégalais demonstrate that the core-periphery model of historicizing colonialism, where information and historical causality flow unidirectionally from the French metropole into its colonies, is limited in portraying how people experienced colonialism. The roles of women and wives in the tirailleurs sénégalais ' history attest to the significance of cross-colonial exchange in the French colonial world. West African women followed their soldier/husbands to North Africa and Madagascar. Repatriating soldiers brought foreign wives home to French West Africa from Syria, Lebanon, and Indochina. Regardless of their origin or the setting of their interactions with soldiers, women affected the decisions that West African men made regarding their military service. By accounting for the importance of wives and marriage, this project also illustrates how women and soldiers challenged a secular colonial state to redefine marriage. Soldiers and wives convinced the colonial state to allot family allowances to polygynous Muslim West African soldiers. By emphasizing the importance of foreign women and cross-colonial exchange in the history of the tirailleurs sénégalais , this project problematizes histories of federal colonial institutions that are circumscribed by the boundaries of modern nation-states. Due to its composition and the range of its deployments, the tirailleurs sénégalais was an international enterprise. When shoehorned into the national history of a contemporary West African country, the tirailleurs sénégalais become a tool for interrogating French colonialism in that West African. These histories overemphasize the hand of France in the histories of West Africans and neglect the global influences on men who made French empire. When viewed through the lens of empire, the tirailleurs sénégalais also challenge the periodization of the colonial period. West Africans fought in the French-Algerian conflict after their home colonies were sovereign nations. The veterans of the tirailleurs sénégalais continue to rely on this historical relationship through the collection of their pensions. This project is informed by archival, published, and oral sources. They sources provide a nuanced understanding of the various worlds that tirailleurs sénégalais traipsed through in the twentieth century. The first half of this dissertation relies on French archival materials and published memoirs. These written sources were penned predominantly by French men, but the voices and agency of West African troops emerge in critical moments. These sources also portray French biases towards the tirailleurs sénégalais , as well as the ways in West African intermediaries contributed to French knowledge regarding their recruits. Roughly one hundred interviews conducted with veterans and their families inform the second half of this dissertation. Memory and oral history added complexity to the history presented by archival military documents. A source fraught with its own biases and omissions, veterans' memory of the past enriched this dissertation with anecdotal evidence. Their memories also illustrated how the fifty years since independence have influenced how they give importance particular events in their personal histories as soldiers and veterans. Living Beyond Boundaries chronologically, and geographically follows tirailleurs sénégalais ' imperial engagements in Morocco, Syria-Lebanon, Indochina, Madagascar, and Algeria. The West Africans in this dissertation were soldiers in the employment of France and large-scale conflicts act as the chronological framing device of this dissertation. Each chapter takes place in different imperial locations, but each analyzes recurring themes that illustrate how West Africans experienced the French colonial military and how they maintained empire. Chapter One introduces tirailleurs sénégalais and situates them within several genres of historical literature and accounts for the institution's nineteenth-century history. Chapter Two analyzes their deployment in the Moroccan "pacification" campaign, between 1908 and 1914. Tirailleurs sénégalais ' deployment in North Africa was an experiment that served as the springboard for subsequent deployments in French empire. The Moroccan campaign tested the adaptability of West African servicemen to military life in temperate climates, as well as challenged the French assumptions about their sub-Saharan African troops. The outbreak of the Great War brought the tirailleurs sénégalais to France. Chapter Three deals with pivotal legislation that reshaped the tirailleurs sénégalais . The Blaise Diagne Laws of 1915 and 1916 passed as result of the crises of the Great War. These laws secured citizenship for a minority of West Africans, who became obligated to service in the French military. The renegotiation of citizenship for military service led to the bifurcation of West African soldiers in the French Armed Forces--West African citizens served in the French metropolitan army and West African subjects in the tirailleurs sénégalais . Their experiences as soldiers diverged after the ratification of this legislation.After the armistice in 1918, tirailleurs sénégalais were diverted from France to serve in recently acquired French mandate territories--Syria and Lebanon. Chapter Four takes place in the interwar period, when the tirailleurs sénégalais ' role in empire was redefined as they fought in small-scale conflicts in the Levant and Morocco. The financial crisis of the 1920s and 1930s negatively impacted the colonial military's effort to improve and professionalize the tirailleurs sénégalais . The "hollow years" witnessed important processes in the tirailleurs sénégalais . The French military's attempt to professionalize the tirailleurs sénégalais was also thwarted by their paradoxical move to reestablish racial hierarchy in empire. The outbreak of World War II brought schizophrenia, paranoia and fratricide to the tirailleurs sénégalais . Chapter Five studies the division of empire into factions aligned with Free France and Vichy France. The tirailleurs sénégalais existed on both sides of this divide and found themselves facing one another on the battlefields of Syria when Allied forces attacked Vichy forces there. French Indochina fell under the authority of neighboring Japan and West African soldiers relied on romantic relationships with Indochinese women to survive the war. The reversals of World War II encouraged postwar challenges to France's authority in several of its colonies. Tirailleurs sénégalais ' participated in these events as colonizers and colonized peoples.The conclusion of hostilities in France were eclipsed by the Vietnamese Declaration of Independence. Chapter Six addresses the nine-year guerilla war in Indochina, where tirailleurs sénégalais found themselves overwhelmed by the intimacy and violence of close fighting quarters. This chapter is informed by veterans and their widows' memories, which illuminated the personal and psychological characteristics of this conflict. This was the first large-scale anti-colonial war where evidence suggests that tirailleurs sénégalais questioned their role in French colonialism. Deserters abandoned the French army for political reasons and for love. The romantic relationships between soldiers and Indochinese women led to the international migrations of inter-racial families to West Africa. West African communities dealt with the aftermath of the French-Indochinese Ware as their sons' families integrated into their households. After the conclusion of the Indochinese conflict in 1954, some tirailleurs sénégalais were redeployed immediately to the battlefields of Algeria. Chapter Seven uses the French-Algerian war as a backdrop for troops' demobilization and West Africa's decolonization. The French Constitutional Referendum in 1958 launched West African independence. West African soldiers became caught up in the extrication of France from West Africa, since both entities desired trained troops. As a result, tirailleurs sénégalais remained in France's employment after their natal countries were sovereign nations. West African soldiers' dual allegiance to France and their country of origin challenged the meaning and finality of political independence. The Conclusion takes this argument further by analyzing the contemporary relationships between tirailleurs sénégalais veterans, West African states and France.