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This article introduces the concept of indirect speech and shows what it can contribute to understanding 'legitimacy talk' regarding international institutions. Indirect speech occurs when one kind of illocutionary act is used to communicate another. Examples include euphemism, some forms of politeness and when a request is expressed as a question ('Can you pass the salt?'). Transporting concepts from pragmatics and sociolinguistics, this article argues that legitimacy talk often serves this function in international politics, operating by expressing specific requests in the form of more generalized legitimacy claims. Understanding this double role of legitimacy talk sheds light on otherwise puzzling empirical phenomena, such as why states frame their demands in terms of legitimacy when they are transparently self-serving, why states with different interests can nonetheless express their demands in the same terms, and why they persist in doing so long after there is any realistic hope of being 'persuasive'. An analysis of the debate on Security Council reform illustrates the benefits of this approach for the study of international relations.

Public Prosecutor V. Wang Min-tao and Sung Chen-wu.District Court of Taipei, Nov. 8,1965. File No.: 54th Year, Shu—2107.The defendants were Chinese nationals doing business in Seoul, Korea. On July 8, 1965, they led a number of Chinese nationals to the Chinese Embassy protesting the Embassy's sale of some lands to Koreans. After having forcibly entered the Embassy, they led those Chinese in destroying the Embassy's gate and furniture. They were arrested by Korean police and later handed over to Chinese authorities in Taiwan. They were prosecuted for interference with public functions and were sentenced to four and three years' imprisonment, respectively, in accordance with Article 136 of the Chinese Criminal Code.

Chapter 1: Human rights institutions: what legitimacy? what authority? -- Part 1: United Nations human rights institutions -- Chapter 3: The UN Human Rights Council: achievements 2006-2016 and challenges ahead -- Chapter 4: The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and field operations -- Chapter 5: UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies: impact and future -- Chapter 6: The UN Human Rights Committee -- Chapter 7: The UN Committee of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights -- Chapter 8: Gender in the UN: CEDAW and the Commission on the Status of Women -- Chapter 9: The UN Security Council and human rights -- Chapter 10: Why a World Court of Human Rights? -- Part 2: Human rights violations as crimes - international courts and tribunals -- Chapter 11: The Legacy of Nuremberg and Tokyo -- Chapter 12: Prosecuting human rights violations: what legacy of the ad hoc criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda? -- Chapter 13: What future for ad hoc tribunals? -- Chapter 14: The International Criminal Court between human Rights and realpolitik -- Chapter 15: Towards effective enforcement of international humanitarian law -- Chapter 16: Transitional Justice: the legacy and future of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions -- Part 3: Regional human rights systems -- Chapter 17: The European Court of Human Rights: achievements and prospects -- Chapter 18: The Inter-American Commission and Court of Human Rights -- Chapter 19: The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights and the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights -- Chapter 20: The Arab Human Rights Commission -- Chapter 21: The ASEAN Human Rights Commission -- Chapter 22 : An Agenda for Strengthening Human Rights Institutions.

International human rights law is often criticized as an infringement of constitutional democracy. In The Promise of Human Rights, Jamie Mayerfeld argues to the contrary that international human rights law provides a necessary extension of checks and balances and therefore completes the domestic constitutional order. In today's world, constitutional democracy is best understood as a cooperative project enlisting both domestic and international guardians to strengthen the protection of human rights. Reasons to support this view may be found in the political philosophy of James Madison, the principal architect of the U.S. Constitution.The Promise of Human Rights presents sustained theoretical discussions of human rights, constitutionalism, democracy, and sovereignty, along with an extended case study of divergent transatlantic approaches to human rights. Mayerfeld shows that the embrace of international human rights law has inhibited human rights violations in Europe whereas its marginalization has facilitated human rights violations in the United States. A longstanding policy of "American exceptionalism" was a major contributing factor to the Bush administration's use of torture after 9/11.Mounting a combination of theoretical and empirical arguments, Mayerfeld concludes that countries genuinely committed to constitutional democracy should incorporate international human rights law into their domestic legal system and accept international oversight of their human rights practices.