Suchergebnisse

"Resistance to Extractivism and Megaprojects in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Peasant Movements in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

In this study, the author analyses the new relations between the United States and Latin America in the frame of the post-cold war era. The difference between power and sense, the threat to democracy and the challenge to global security on behalf of the transnational groups, are the dynamics of the post-cold war that provide a general frame for these relations. The agenda includes topics such as the fight against poverty and economic development, the regional security and the migration, seen from the point of view of the North American foreign relations, which include the multilateralism, and demilitarization of foreign affairs. A period of hemispheric relations where the consensus will mark the tone and the cooperation will be the main mechanism in order to advance in the economic development and the institutional strengthening is expected. A new tone in relations but not a new model. But, although, an attempt to find meeting places without neglecting the big strategic guidelines developed since September 11 2001. ; En este estudio, se analizan las nuevas relaciones entre EstadosUnidos y América Latina en el marco de la Posguerra Fría. Eldesfase entre poder y sentido, la amenaza a la democracia y eldesafío a la seguridad global por parte de grupostransnacionales son las dinámicas de la posguerra fría que brindanel marco general de relacionamiento. La agenda incluyetemas como la lucha contra la pobreza y el desarrollo económico,la seguridad regional y las migraciones, abordados segúnun nuevo matiz de las relaciones exteriores norteamericanasque incluye la multilateralidad y la desmilitarización de lasrelaciones exteriores. Se espera un periodo de relacioneshemisféricas donde el consenso marcará el tono y la cooperaciónserá el mecanismo básico para avanzar en el desarrolloeconómico y el fortalecimiento institucional. Un nuevo tonoen las relaciones, aunque no un nuevo modelo. Pero, de todos modos, un intento por hallar puntos de encuentro sin descuidar por ello las grandes directrices estratégicas desarrolladas a partir del 11 de septiembre de 2001

It can be said of America as world political actor, that it all began in the routes of independence fought by its member countries already two hundred years ago, assertion sustained in the displacement of the European ideology, its historic processes interrelated with criollismo and the change that this could have caused in its beginnings for the economy sustained by the colonies. In Latin America, the 20th century, analyzed from the geopolitical stance, was revolutionary with regards to the toughness with which the geographical limits of politics from Mexico to Chile exploded. That century also witnessed the rise and development of factors of power that are non-national: drugtraffickers, black market of weapons, terrorist organizations, iniquitous financial companies and transnationals spread out in extensive regions with their own objectives, able to associate with the national governments or to include them in their geopolitical projects. Contemporary geopolitics is characterized by a complex coexistence of totally controlled spaces and planned territories, alongside new enigmatic lands that function with their own internal logic, at the margin of the system that has engendered them. ; Como actor político mundial, América se inicia en los procesosde independencia dados por sus países integrantes hace ya doscientosaños. Afirmación respaldada en el desplazamiento de la ideología europea y sus procesos históricos emparentados con el criollismo y el cambio que ésto pudo haber provocado en sus inicios para la economía sustentada en las colonias. En América Latina, el siglo XX, analizado desde la geopolítica, fue revolucionario en cuanto a la dureza con la que estallaron los límites geográficos de la política desde México hasta Chile. Esa centuria presenció también el surgimiento y desarrollo de factores de poder que no son nacionales: narcotraficantes, mercado negro de armas, organizaciones terroristas, entidades financieras leoninas y transnacionales des-plegadas en extensas regiones, que tienen objetivos propios y que pueden aso-ciarse a los gobiernos nacionales o incluirlos en sus proyectos geopolíticos. La geopolítica contemporánea se caracteriza por una compleja coexistencia de espacios absolutamente controlados y de territorios planificados, al lado de nuevas tierras incógnitas que funcionan con una lógica interna propia, al margen del sistema que los ha engendrado.

The subject Latin America Tensions and Conflicts implies to advance an analysisexercise about the process of administrative political formation of the Americancontinent, as well as opposed to include understand the characteristics of the newcontinental tensions derived from the particular vision of each State its internationalrelations, specially in front the United States of America, as its central axis of the continentalsecurity and definitively influential power in the destinies of the region, inorder to establish the characteristics of each tension, or of political order or thosederivatives of the Spanish colonial inheritance by confused the territorial divisionsoften without precision and, as well as the effects that they have in the matter ofsecurity. Within the tensions, two cases exist, not solved international subject thebordering one with Venezuela in the Gulf, and the claim of Nicaragua on the archipelagoof San Andrés, Providence and Santa Catalina. In this article a brief description willbecome of the aspects before named ; El tema. América Latina Tensiones y Conflictos. Implica adelantar un ejercicio de análisis acerca del proceso de formación política administrativa del continente Americano, así como comprender las características de las nuevas tensiones continentales derivadas de la visión particular de cada Estado frente a sus relaciones internacionales, especialmente frente los Estados Unidos de América, en su condición de eje central de la seguridad continental y potencia definitivamente influyente en los destinos de la región, con el propósito de establecer las características de cada tensión, ya sea de orden político o aquellos derivados de la herencia colonial española por las divisiones territoriales muchas veces imprecisas y confusas, así como los efectos que ellas tienen en materia de seguridad. Dentro de las tensiones, existen dos casos, el no resuelto diferendo limítrofe con Venezuela en el Golfo, y la reclamación de Nicaragua sobre el archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina. En este artículo se hará una breve descripción de los aspectos antes nombrados.

The new security regionalism in America during the post-Cold War period has failed to offer enough comparative empirical evidence in order to determine the presence of Regional Security Complexes (RSC) or Pluralistic Security Communities (PSC). In the face of this issue, this study intends to answer, to what extent do security practices prevailing in the continent during the post-Cold War (1992-2010) allow the differentiation between RSC and CPS at the regional and sub-regional level? Security practices were analyzed taking into account two indicators: militarized inter-state disputes by means of descriptive statistics and econometric models, and the persistence of the hypothesis of conflict in defense programmatic instruments through content analysis. The conclusion is that the most appropriate approach is offered by RSC due to the persistence of the threat and the use of force as security practice. The primacy of the American agenda in North America, Central America, and the Caribbean implies the presence of a RSC centered on its power projection and worldwide influence, while in South America there is a standard RSC. At the sub-regional level, Central American and the Andean zone constitute sub-complexes, whereas in the Southern extreme of the continent the occurrence is that of a pluralistic community ; El nuevo regionalismo de seguridad en América, durante la posguerra fría, ha fallado en aportar suficiente evidencia empírica comparada para determinar la presencia de Complejos regionales de seguridad (CRS) o Comunidades pluralistas de seguridad (CPS). Frente a este problema el estudio busca responder ¿en qué medida las prácticas de seguridad prevalecientes en el continente durante la posguerra fría (1992-2010) permiten diferenciar los CRS o CPS en los niveles regionales y subregionales?Las prácticas de seguridad se estudiaron a partir de dos indicadores: las disputas interestatales militarizadas mediante estadísticas descriptivas y modelos econométricos, y la persistencia de la hipótesis de conflicto en instrumentos programáticos de defensa, mediante el análisis de contenido. Se concluye que el abordaje más apropiado lo ofrecen los CRS dada la persistencia de la amenaza y del uso de la fuerza como práctica de seguridad. La primacía de la agenda estadounidense en América del Norte, América Central y el Caribe implican la presencia de un CRS centrado por su proyección de poder e influencia mundial, mientras que en América del Sur se presenta un CRS estándar. En el nivel subregional, América Central y la zona Andina constituyen subcomplejos, mientras que el Cono Sur una comunidad pluralista de seguridad. ; O novo regionalismo de segurança na América durante a pós-guerra fria falhou em aportar suficiente evidência empírica comparada para determinar a presença de Complexos regionais de segurança (CRS) ou Comunidades pluralistas de segurança (CPS). Em frente a este problema o estudo procura responder em qual medida as práticas de segurança prevalecentes no continente durante a pósguerra fria (1992-2010) permitem diferenciar os CRS o CPS nos níveis regionais e sub-regionais? As práticas de segurança se estudaram a partir dos indicadores: as disputas interestatais militarizadas mediante estadísticas descritivas e modelos econométricos, e a persistência da hipóteses de conflito em instrumentos programáticos de defesa mediante a análises do conteúdo. Se conclui que a abordagem mais apropriada oferecem os CRS dada a persistência da ameaça e do uso da força como prática de segurança. A primicia da agenda estadunidense na América do Norte, América Central e ou Caribe implicam a presença de um CRS centralizado por sua projeção de poder e influência mundial, enquanto que na América do Sul se apresenta um CRS estandardizado. No nível sub-regional América Central e a zona Andina constituem sub-complexos, enquanto que o Cono Sul uma comunidade pluralista de segurança.

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais ; Throughout history, political actors have always tried to use communication tools to further their convictions. Strategic narratives connect the past, the present, and the future in a time sequence so as to construct a shared meaning of international events. In this sense, political actors seek to use narratives strategically in order to shape the perceptions and behaviour of their internal and external audiences. The main purpose of the present dissertation is to understand how social constructions constrain the behaviour of the political actors. Based on the work of Miskimmon, O'Loughlin, and Roselle, it seeks to analyse the perception of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as a rogue state. The United States of America (US) and the European Union (EU) were selected as case studies, and their strategic narratives were analysed to understand how this representation of the DPRK influenced and constrained these actors' relations with the country. The analysis was conducted using process tracing and the comparative method to trace the development of these actors' strategic narratives during the period between 2001 and 2018. This study concludes that the US and the EU's motivations shaped their strategic narratives, which, in turn, greatly impacted how these two actors' engaged with the DPRK: the US focused mainly on the nuclear issue and on the geopolitical situation on the Korean Peninsula, while the EU sought to relieve the humanitarian crisis on the country and to encourage the regime to abandon its nuclear ambitions mostly through diplomatic means. ; Ao longo da história, os atores políticos procuraram sempre utilizar os meios de comunicação de forma a promoverem as suas convicções. As narrativas estratégicas interligam o passado, o presente, e o futuro, numa sequência temporal, de forma a construir um significado compartilhado sobre os eventos internacionais. Desta forma, os atores políticos procuram utilizar as narrativas de forma estratégica ...

Until now, the literature on opposition or resistance to regional integration has concentrated on the European Union (UE). So far, no systematic attempt has been pursued to explain opposition to regional integration in Latin America and identify its main influential factors. Based on Latinobarometro surveys, two main findings have emerged from this paper. First, opposition to regional integration is not a generalised attitude among Latin Americans. Secondly, the way in which citizens across Latin America evaluate regional integration is strongly influenced by the same predictors as in the EU: citizens' assessments of economic performance (both at the individual and national level), education, ideology, age, and income. Thus, socio-economic variables have proven to be directly linked to support for/opposition to economic integration. If Latin America continues along its recent path of economic growth these findings imply that it will likely see stable high support for regional integration. Conversely, the less that Latin America prospers from regional trade and the more that its economies deteriorate, the lesser support there will be for economic integration.

The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...

International audience ; This work deals with some territorial repercussions of transborder processes on transborder regions in the southest triple border in South America between Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay. This region encompasses the twin cities of Barra do Quaraí (Brazil), Monte Caseros (Argentina) and Bella Unión (Uruguay). The work focuses on identifying the actions of territorial actors who seek integration between the three cities. South American macro-regional policies are still not sufficient for the daily problems of border populations, mainly rural and distant from the main centres. Territorial actors, whether from the organised civil society or local governments, develop actions that seek integration between the three cities. For the analysis of their actions, we study the contemporary scenario of the processes and policies of opening/closing the South American borders, as well as the historical and territorial construction of the triple twin cities. ; Ce travail examine quelques répercussions territoriales des processus transfrontaliers à l'œuvre dans la région transfrontalière de la triple frontière la plus au sud des Amériques entre le Brésil, l'Argentine et l'Uruguay. Cette région comprend les triples villes jumelles de Barra do Quaraí (Brésil), Monte Caseros (Argentine) et Bella Unión (Uruguay). Le travail est centré sur l'identification des actions des acteurs territoriaux en quête d'intégration entre les trois villes. Les politiques macrorégionales sud-américaines ne sont toujours pas suffisantes pour les problèmes quotidiens des populations frontalières, essentiellement rurales et éloignées des principaux centres. Sur les triples villes jumelles, les acteurs territoriaux, issus de la société civile et des collectivités locales, développent des actions qui visent l'intégration entre les trois villes. Pour l'analyse des actions de ces acteurs territoriaux locaux, le scénario contemporain des processus et politiques d'ouverture / fermeture des frontières sud-américaines a été analysé, ainsi ...

In the post-cold era, the economic and military power of the People's Republic of China is constantly growing. As a result, the rebirth of the idea of the protectionist economic policy, which has always been present in the American public debate, took place in the U.S. This idea is evidently reflected in the foreign policy of the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump. This article includes the analysis of the contemporary economic protectionism of the United States from the perspective of the offensive realism theory created by John Mearsheimer. The theory is based on three fundamental assumptions: the structure of the international system is anarchic, the primary goal of a state is to survive, for that reason states seek maximalization of their power. ; W epoce pozimnowojennej ma miejsce stały wzrost potęgi ekonomicznej oraz militarnej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Owa tendencja spowodowała odrodzenie idei protekcjonizmu gospodarczego w Stanach Zjednoczonych, która była wcześniej obecna w amerykańskiej debacie publicznej. Owa idea wyraźnie się przejawia w polityce obecnego Prezydenta USA Donalda Trumpa. Artykuł zawiera analizę współczesnego zjawiska protekcjonizmu gospodarczego USA z perspektywy teorii realizmu ofensywnego stworzonej przez Johna Mearsheimera, której podstawowymi założeniami są przekonanie o anarchicznej strukturze systemu międzynarodowego oraz o przetrwaniu jako naczelnym celu państwa, które w związku z tym dąży do maksymalizacji własnej potęgi.

This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at both Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. To accomplish this, we first present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details as well as national contexts are then considered in Latin America in general as well as the first wave of data from the region on Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador.

Latin America has been severely affected by the COVID-19 global pandemic, prompting its governments to take action. In this context, these countries were tempted to utilize their armed forces for an array of tasks to serve the citizenry. But how militarized is the response to COVID-19 in Latin America? This paper proposes a typology of tasks asked of these militaries as a response to COVID-19. The descriptive findings allow us to map out the various tasks that militaries are being ordered to do, attributing scores to the fourteen Latin American democracies. We also show evidence for the potential consequences of some tasks. Policing the streets to enforce stay-at-home orders can lead to the military may committing human rights violations, assuming eminently civilian posts to manage the public health crisis can result in long term implications for the civil-military balance that are detrimental to the democratic control over the military.

This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding. ; Este artículo presenta el sistema de codificación del Comparative Agendas Project, que es capaz de capturar la atención política de manera comparada y a lo largo del tiempo. Presenta también una amplia gama de datos recogidos y procesados en América Latina, sobre la base de este consolidado y fiable sistema de codificación. Aunque no sea un sistema inédito, esta es la primera vez que se introduce en América Latina y en un tipo de sistema político diferente del que se observa en las democracias de América do Norte y Europa. Para ello, ofrecemos una descripción del Comparative Agendas Project y de su libro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obtener datos de atención política de forma comparada entre países y distintos tipos de agendas a lo largo del tiempo. Esos detalles se discuten en relación con América Latina en general y con el contexto nacional de Brasil, Colombia y Ecuador, países de la región que cuentan con el primer conjunto de datos recogidos con ese sistema de codificación. ; Esse artigo apresenta o sistema de codificação do Comparative Agendas Project, que é capaz de capturar a atenção política de maneira comparada e ao longo do tempo. Apresenta também uma ampla gama de dados coletados e em processamento na América Latina, já usando esse consolidado e confiável sistema de codificação. Embora não seja um sistema inédito, essa é a primeira vez que está sendo introduzido na América Latina e em um tipo de sistema político diferente do que se observa nas democracias da América do Norte e da Europa. Para isso, oferecemos um panorama do Comparative Agendas Project e de seu livro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obter dados de atenção política de forma comparada entre os países e suas agendas, ao longo do tempo. Esses detalhes são discutidos em relação a América Latina em geral e ao contexto nacional do Brasil, Colômbia e Equador, países da região que contam com a primeira leva de dados processados com esse sistema de codificação.

Published Online: 20 November 2020 ; During the XXI century, South America has been the epicenter of vibrant discussions on human mobility. A new vocabulary emerged with legal principles such as the non-criminalization of irregular migration or the right to migrate as a fundamental right taking central stage. The combination of the arrival of COVID-19 together with the important emigration of Venezuelans in the region, as well as economic and political crisis are putting into question some of these advances and present a complex scenario of migration governance in the region for the years to come.