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The debate about the term "Industry 5.0" is already underway. The comments range from conceptual nonsense (Liggesmeyer 2021) to "necessary course correction", which, significantly, was not initiated by industry itself but by the EU Commission (Buchinger 2021) or Society 5.0 and Industry 5.0 are imagined as the futures of Europe (Carayannis & Morawska‐Jancelewicz 2022). Xu et al.(2021) ask if this is the co‐existence of two Industrial Revolutions – the fourth and the fifth – or if this is a continuation and an evolution from one step to another within industrial concepts. One has to agree when Carayannis and Morawska‐Jancelewicz (2022) resume that concepts of Society 5.0 and Industry 5.0 are "not a simple chronological continuation or an alternative to Industry 4.0 paradigm". The main question that follows is if "Green Deal" as "Industry 5.0" or "Society 5.0" are connectable to "Industry 4.0" (Banholzer 2021c)? As I will argue, the European concepts of "Green Deal" or "Industry 5.0" can be seen as an answer to the question of what normative basis could be found for the governance of network‐society which is as well functional as fragmental differentiated. Modern societies following the innovation paradigm have a need for orientation. Concepts like "Industry 5.0" underline that a forward‐looking modulation of technological developments to be possible (Rip 2006) and generate a framework for orientation. Similar to the "Industrie 4.0"‐process and the announcement of the Fourth Industrial Revolution of the German government in 2021, the European Commission formally called for the Fifth Industrial Revolution or "Industry 5.0", after discussions among participants from research and technology organizations as well as funding agencies across Europe, devising a top‐down initiative in response to the changing societal and geopolitical landscape (Xu et al. 2021: 532). Industry 5.0 centers around three interconnected core values of human‐centricity, sustainability, and resilience and therefore is not a technology‐driven revolution but a value‐driven initiative that drives technological transformation with a particular purpose (ibd.: 533). Industry 5.0 addresses the challenges of a functional and fragmental differentiated society. Flexibility,agility, project‐orientation, entrepreneurship are part of the concept. Industry 5.0 focuses on social heterogeneity in terms of values and acceptance, measurement of environmental and social value generation, participation and transparency of customers or interest groups and NGOs, inter-disciplinarity of research disciplines and system complexity, and ecosystem‐oriented innovation policy with outcome‐orientation. But: Industry 5.0 requires also new policies and policy instruments, a Governance 5.0, new partnerships, and new objectives for policies affecting industry, knowledge‐society and economy. Additionally, a portfolio approach to research and innovation projects is needed, combined with the willingness and a mandate to take informed risks – in development paths and financing. In its coalition agreement, the new German "traffic light" coalition has committed itself to a mission orientation in R&I policy and therefore is close to the ideas of Industry 5.0. But: The term Industrie 5.0 is not mentioned within the coalition agreement or in other discussions. The new coalition has described itself as a "progress coalition" and, in the run‐up to and in the coalition agreement placed an emphasis on innovation, science, science transfer and research as the basis of the national economy and the welfare of society. Goals like clima protection and Energiewende or fostering science transfer via (new) innovation agencies are in line with the ideas of the EC (cf.Banholzer 2022a). Response from other governments and industries to Industry 5.0 is still limited for the time being. Academia, though, has quickly embraced the discussions on Industry 5.0 and highlighted the relevance of Industry 5.0 (Xu et al. 2021). The landscape of R&I‐policies in EU membership states is heterogeneous, and often still focussing a linear understanding of innovation. This outlines the challenges and obstacles that have to be passed if Europe wants to climb on top of innovation rankings and parallel helps to solve problems like climate crises or global challenges in health care. The characteristic of Industry 5.0 as a top‐down‐concept is the core point that leads to a very critical aspect. Industry 5.0 as a value‐based conception of society and mission‐oriented policy design implicitly presupposes the discourse on values and on the willingness to bear the costs that arise. But this is done without outlining a conception of the public sphere, political discourse, or deliberative, agonal, or pragmatist debate in pluralistic democracies (cf. Banholzer 2022c). This circumstance is certainly due to the construction of the European Union and the fact that the concept was elaborated and introduced by the European Commission ‐ i.e. it represents a concept of the executive. This again shows the democratic deficit of the European Union, which shows parliamentary representation as not yet fully developed. However, if transparency and participation are demanded in transformation processes and, in addition, the state and politics act as equal network actors on the one hand, while decisively defining the legal framework on the other, this creates a dis-proportion that has a counterproductive effect on the acceptance of mission orientation.

International audience ; رامت هذه الدراسة، بناء على تجربة مجالس الشباب بالمغرب، تتبع تلكم العلاقة التي تربط بين فئة الشباب من جهة والسياسات العمومية من جهة أخرى. ولا شك أن طبيعة هذا البحث قد طرحت ثلة من الأسئلة التي تستدعي استقراء يمَّكن من الإجابة عنها، وهي من قبيل: ما أبرز التحولات الطارئة على فئة الشباب نتيجة انخراطهم في مجالس الشباب؟ وكيف لتلك الفئة أن تؤثر في السياسات العمومية المحلية؟إن الفرضية التي تنطلق منها الدراسة، بناء على تجربة مجلس الشباب لمدينة ورززات، مفادها أن الشباب الذين يعارضون استراتيجية سياسة عمومية محلية ينتهي بهم الأمر بقبول هذه الاستراتيجية بعد إدماجهم في تدبير هذه الأخيرة.ومن أجل تبيان ذلك، أجريت مجموعة من المقابلات النصف موجهة، ما بين شهري ماي/أيار 2017 وماي/أيار 2019، بحيث عقد لقاء مع ممثلي التنسيقية الوطنية لمجالس الشباب بالمغرب، فضلا عن ممثلي مجلس الشباب بمدينة ورززات، بالإضافة إلى مستشارين جماعيين بنفس المدينة. لقد أظهرت المعطيات الميدانية للدراسة، ما للشباب من قدرات على الانخراط في الأنشطة المرتبطة بالسياسات العمومية المحلية، غير أن ذلك الانخراط يعطي نتائج عكسية للدوافع التي من أجلها أسس هؤلاء الشباب مجلسهم. إذ بينت نتائج الدراسة، أن مجالس الشباب تساهم في خلق نوع من التقارب بين الشباب وممثلي السلطات العمومية على المستوى المحلي، مما يسهل دمج هذه الفئة في السياسات العمومية المحلية. بالمقابل، يساهم هذا الإدماج في تغيير وتوجيه مطالب فئة الشباب بعد إشراكهم في السياسات واللجان المحلية، كما يساهم ذلك في دفعهم إلى تبني خطاب مماثل لخطاب ممثلي السلطات العمومية المحلية. ; This article deals with youth councils, one of the mechanisms for participatory democracy established in Morocco. Their objective is to facilitate the full and active participation of young people in public policy design and implementation. This article specifically addresses the use made by different types of local actors of this facility. How do youth councils impact youth who are participating in these structures? How do youth manage to influence local policies? Those are the two main questions that we will try to answer in this paper. The link between youth and public policy is linked to the use made by young people of the public participation mechanism. In this sense, it is critical to try to understand how actors who openly challenge one or more aspect of the public intervention end up becoming actors themselves within that public policy. We will try to demonstrate, from the experience of a youth council established in the city of Ouarzazate, that young people challenging public interventions end up accepting the precise interventions they vehemently opposed once they start joining the formal participatory structures. This research is based on the collection of qualitative data from semidirect interviews with members of the national coalition of youth councils, with young people organized around the local youth council and with local elected officials in Ouarzazate. Field surveys show that young people organized around a socalledparticipatory mechanism can ensure their entry into local public action, but as a result, adopt a position at the opposite of what it originally was. This participatory mechanism manages to brings young people closer to government representatives and, as a result, impacts on their demands. The youth council's process thus helps to mediate the approval of the official state discourse by young people who previously challengedlocal public action. ; Cet article porte sur un dispositif participatif mis en place au Maroc : les conseils des jeunes. Ceuxci ont pour objectif d'associer la jeunesse marocaine à l'élaboration des politiques publiques locales. Il vise à interroger les usages différenciés de ce dispositif par les acteurs de l'action publique locale. Comment les conseils des jeunes transforment les jeunes qui y participent, mais également comment ces derniers parviennentils à influencer l'action publique locale ? Telle est la question à laquelle nous voudrions présenter des éléments de réponse dans le cadre de cette recherche. La question du lien entre jeunes et politiques publiques est liée à l'usage des dispositifs publics par cette catégorie sociale. Dans ce sens il est important ici de chercher à comprendre comment des acteurs qui contestent ouvertement un ou plusieurs aspects de l'intervention publique finissent par devenir acteurs de cette même politique publique. L'hypothèse à démontrer dans ce cadre, à partir de l'expérience du conseil des jeunes de la ville de Ouarzazate, est que les jeunes qui contestent une stratégie d'une politique publique locale finissent par accepter cettestratégie suite à leur entrée dans l'action publique locale. Cette recherche s'appuie sur le recueil des données qualitatives issues d'entretiens semidirectifs réalisés entre mai 2017 et mai 2019 auprès des membres de la coordination nationale des conseils des jeunes, des jeunes mobilisésautour du conseil des jeunes et des élus locaux dans une ville ayant une situation socioéconomique différente des grandes métropoles marocaines: Ouarzazate. Les enquêtes de terrain montrent que les jeunes organisés autour d'un dispositif qualifié de participatif sont capables d'assurer leur entrée dans l'action publique locale, mais cela engendre des effets inverses à leur position de départ. Ce dispositif participatif ne permet que de rapprocher les jeunes des représentants des pouvoirs publics et de modifier, en conséquence, leurs revendications. Le dispositif du conseil des jeunes contribue ainsi à approuver le discours officiel par des jeunes qui contestaient auparavant une action publique locale.

Immigration theme emerges in Brazilian cinema in the context of opposition to the military dictatorship that governed in Brazil between 1964 and 1985. Several different images of the immigrant start to appear in the national cinematography, represented, since then, by a sort of films in which the immigration issue assumes a critical perspective. This kind of production goes completely against the dominant speeches from the previous decades, when the foreigner presence in Brazil was generally dealt on a dualist way. Full of stereotypes, these speeches claimed about the harmonious integration between immigrants and the local society. Or, instead, denied that integration by believing in the incompatibility between the foreigners and the Brazilian people. This point of view started to be criticized in cinematographic circles once a new generation of young filmmakers took their place in the artistic debate. The artists related to the "Cinema Novo", besides sharing a solid point of view about the politics, were, all of them, very concerned about the deconstruction of the myths involving some plural historic processes such as the immigration that used to be discussed on a superficial and unilateral basis, not only in the national filmography but also in the foreign films which represented the Brazilian reality. The research main problem refers to a change in the representation mode of the immigration theme in the Brazilian cinema of the last five decades. The method applied to the study is based on the film analysis that provides new intellectual tools for interpreting the experiences lived by different groups of immigrants in Brazilian territory between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. This approach will allow a better understanding of the immigration history in Brazil and of Brazil as an immigration country. ; El tema de la inmigración surge en el cine brasileño a lo largo del contexto de la oposición a la dictadura militar (1964-1985): diferentes composiciones de imágenes inmigrantes ganan proyección en la cinematografía nacional representada, a partir de entonces, por una serie de películas en las que el problema de la inmigración tomó una perspectiva crítica. Este tipo de producción contrasta fuertemente con los discursos dominantes de las décadas anteriores, cuando el tema de la presencia extranjera en Brasil generalmente se trataba de manera dualista. Llena de estereotipos, estos discursos hablan de la integración armoniosa de los inmigrantes con la sociedad local o, por el contrario, niega tal integración al creer en la incompatibilidad entre las personas extranjeras y brasileñas. Este punto de vista, que se presenta en diversos tipos de discursos, comenzó a ser criticado en el medio cinematográfico cuando una nueva generación de jóvenes cineastas ocupa el lugar en el debate estético. Los artistas vinculados al movimiento del "Cinema Novo", y su visión aguda en la política, estaban intensamente preocupados por la deconstrucción de mitos que involucraban procesos históricos plurales, como la inmigración, mas allá de la superficie analizada hasta el momento y unilateralmente, no sólo en la filmografía nacional, sino también en las películas extranjeras que representaron la realidad brasileña. Esta investigación se centra en las modalidades de representación del tema de la inmigración en el cine brasileño durante las últimas cinco décadas. La metodología para el análisis de las películas puede identificar los comportamientos de los inmigrantes en territorio brasileño entre finales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XXI. Las experiencias de migración descritas por las 14 películas analizadas permitirán un nuevo enfoque de la historia de la inmigración en Brasil y de Brasil como un país de inmigración. ; La thématique de l'immigration apparait au répertoire du cinéma brésilien dans un contexte d'opposition à la dictature militaire qui a dirigé le pays entre 1964 et 1985. À partir de cette période, un regard différencié sur l'image de l'immigré commence à se manifester dans la cinématographie nationale, depuis lors tournée vers une réflexion critique sur cette thématique. Les films intégrants cette cinématographie contrastent avec les visions stéréotypées concernant la présence étrangère au Brésil, amplement diffusées par les discours dominants. Ces discours sont marquées par des préjugés sur l'intégration et la convivialité harmonieuse entre les étrangers et la société locale ; ou, plutôt, à l'opposé, sur l'inadaptation voire l'incompatibilité des immigrés à la réalité brésilienne. Cette vision dichotomique commença à devenir un vrai questionnement lorsque s'affirma un nouveau cinéma au Brésil: un cinéma politique, engagé, intéressé à déconstruire les mythes en intégrant des processus historiques complexes comme l'immigration jusqu'alors absente ou traitée de façon unilatérale et superficielle (tant dans la filmographie nationale que dans les films étrangers tournés au pays). La présente recherche porte sur les modalités de représentation du thème de l'immigration dans le cinéma brésilien lors des cinq dernières décennies. La méthodologie appliquée à l'analyse des films permet d'identifier les représentations des immigrés sur le territoire brésilien entre la fin du XIXème siècle et le début du XXIème siècle. Les expériences migratoires montrées par les 14 films analysés permettent une nouvelle approche sur l'histoire de l'immigration au Brésil ainsi que sur le Brésil en tant que pays d'immigration.

Tese de Doutoramento em Letras, área de Línguas e Literaturas Modernas, especialidade em Sociolinguística, apresentada à Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra. ; The present study takes an ecological approach to language policies and ideologies in order to see how discursive spaces for languages other than the official language of instruction are being constructed in Portugal today. The research setting – a complementary school for children of Eastern European immigrants in a town in central Portugal – provided a unique opportunity to examine how language and literacy ideologies from different symbolic places (e.g. educational discourses in Portugal and home post-Soviet states, European discourses on multilingualism and integration of immigrant children, heritage talk and migrant parents' "opinions on language" (Billig 1986)) interacted and were negotiated in the complementary classroom and around the site. The study draws from a combined theoretical perspective of research on language socialisation (Kramsch 2002; Lemke 2002; Scollon 2002; Bayley and Schecter 2003 etc.), within a sociocultural approach to literacy and learning (Vygotsky 1978; Rogoff 1991; Barton 1994; Lave and Wenger 2003 etc.), in multilingualism studies (Shohamy 2006; Heller 2007; Blackledge and Creese 2010; Blommaert 2006, 2010; Lytra and Martin 2010; Pennycook 2010), in spatial studies (Latour 1996; Low and Zuniga 2004; Brandt and Lincoln 2002), and research on bilingual and multilingual education (Hornberger 2002; García 2009). Methodologically, it represents a longitudinal ethnography of language and literacy practices (2004-2012) which attempts to find connections between the micro-level of diverse language and literacy teaching and learning practices around the complementary school, with the teaching and learning Portuguese as a non-native language in mainstream schools, and to situate them within the macro level of European, post-Soviet and Portuguese state language policies and practices. The study constructs a descriptive and analytical perspective using an array of research methods, such as textual analysis of policy documents, multimodal analysis of literacy artefacts and visual data (ethnographic photographs), as well as participant observations and semi-structured interviews with policymakers, parents and children. The critical stance of this ethnographic study consists in not only describing the distribution of symbolic power in top-down language and literacy policies and ideologies but also in identifying the spaces of its contestation in the local practices, which may emerge into new policies of higher scales. The research findings fall into several categories: 1) trends in top-down language policies and practices; 2) contestation and emerging trends in bottom-up language policies and practices; 3) theoretical and methodological reflections toward a construction of new frameworks on multilingualism. ; O estudo que se apresenta adapta uma perspectiva ecológica em relação às políticas e ideologias de língua de forma a compreender como espaços discursivos para as línguas que não a língua oficial de instrução são presentemente construídos em Portugal. O contexto de pesquisa, uma escola complementar para imigrantes da Europa de Leste numa cidade no centro de Portugal, forneceu uma oportunidade única para ver como ideologias de linguagem, escrita e leitura de diferentes locais simbólicos (e.g. desde discursos educacionais em Portugal e estados pós-Sovéticos, discursos europeus acerca de multilinguismo e integração de crianças imigrantes, debates sobre heranças culturais e linguísticas até às "opiniões acerca da língua" dos pais migrantes (Billig 1986)) interagiam e eram negociadas na sala de aula da escola complementar e nos lugares à volta dela. O estudo assume uma perspectiva teórica inspirada pelo estudo de socialisação linguística (Kramsch 2002; Lemke 2002; Scollon 2002; Bayley e Schecter 2003 etc.), enquadrada numa perspectiva sociocultural em relação à literacia e aprendizagem (Vygotsky 1978; Rogoff 1991; Barton 1994; Lave e Wenger 2003 etc.), em estudos de multilinguismo (Shohamy 2006; Heller 2007; Blackledge e Creese 2010; Blommaert 2006, 2010; Lytra e Martin 2010; Pennycook 2010), em estudos sobre construção de espaço social (Latour 1996; Low e Zuniga 2004; Brandt e Lincoln 2002), e estudos sobre educação bilingue e multilingue (Hornberger 2002; García 2009). Em termos dos métodos, este trabalho representa uma etnografia longitudinal (2004-2012) de práticas de linguagem, escrita e leitura que tenciona encontrar ligações entre o nível micro das práticas diversas da linguagem, ensino/aprendizagem de escrita e leitura na escola complementar, com as do ensino e aprendizagem de português como língua não-materna em estabelecimentos de ensino regulares, e situá-las no nível macro de políticas e práticas linguísticas em estados europeus e pós-sovieticos. O estudo constrói uma perspectiva descritiva e analítica utilizando um espectro de métodos de pesquisa, e.g. análise textual de documentos legislativos, análise multimodal de artefactos literários e dados visuais (fotografias etnográficas), assim como dados interaccionais, de observação participada e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com legisladores, pais e crianças. A posição crítica deste estudo etnográfico não se limita em descrever as políticas e ideologias da língua e literacia e a distribuição de poder simbólico da perspectiva top-down, mas procura também identificar os espaços de contestação nas práticas locais, que podem potencialmente dar lugar às novas políticas de escalas superiores. Os resultados da investigação enquadram-se em três categorias: 1) tendências em políticas e práticas de top-down; 2) contestação e tendências emergentes em políticas e práticas de bottomup; 3) reflexões teóricas e metodológicas em torno de construção de novos enquadramentos para multilinguismo.

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1. Power and Discourse in La Fontaine's Beast Fables 2. Lockdown: Real-life Paradoxical Experience to Sustain Human Relationships, Healthy Lives, and Well Being 3. Effect of Parenting Stress on Parenting Sense of Competence AmongMothers of Children with ADHD 4. Sustainable Development Goals and Juvenile Justice System: A Comparative Analysis5. Influence of Karma at Workplace: With Special Reference to Higher Education Institutions in South Gujarat Region6. Cross-Walk of Professional Competencies for Social and Emotional Wellbeing to Cater Mental Health Problems in Schools 7. Emotional Intelligence Manages Sustainable Development for an Organization -the Contribution of Psychological Well-Being 8. The Enactment of Social Sustainable Goals in IT Organizations 9. Role of Higher Education in Achieving the Sustainble Development Goals (SDGs) 10. "Happiness Engineering": Acceptance and Commitment Therapy for University Students' Classroom Engagement, Mental Health, and Psychological Flexibility 11. Work-Life Balance and Its Challenges for Medical Professionals in the Health Care Sector 12. Political Representation of Aesop's Beast Fables in Augustan Age 13. Miro Application of Web Whiteboard for Sustainable Development in Teaching and Learning Research 14. A Study of Female Identity and Marital Discord in the Selected Works of Anita Desai 15. Role of Digital Competency in Sustainable Quality Education 16. Digital Infrastructure for SHGs of Tribal Women in Odisha: Means for MSMEs to Achieve SDGs 17. Fetishism: Paradoxing the Narratives of Sustainable Development Goals 18. A Systematic Review Study on the Quality of Life Associated withDepression Among the Elderly in India 19. Influence of Personality and Sector of Employment on PerceivedSocial Support and Work Family Conflict 20. Prophesying the Future Retailing Model of Emerging Markets withSpecial Focus on India 21. Family Conflict and Rivalry in The Shipwrecked Prince and King Lear: A Comparative Study22. The Subtle Warnings Signs of Suicidal Thought and Behaviour Exhibited by Hannah Baker in "Thirteen Reasons Why" by Jay Asher 23. Demographic Variables and Job Satisfaction Among College Lecturers 24. Sustainable Crisis: Psychoanalytical Reading of Populism and Trauma in Select War Narrative 25. Impact of Problematic Internet Use on Psychological Well-Being, Hyperventilation and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome Among Youth 26. Psychological Distress Among IT Sector Employees During COVID-19 Pandemic in India 27. Triangulation Study on LGBTQ Inclusion with Sustainable Development Goal 10 using Twitter Data and Topic Modelling 28. Community Participation in Public Space Planning and Management: Cases of Indian Cities 29. Surveying Interest and Engagement in Political Discourse 30. Opinion Mining of National Education Policy 2020 to Improve Its Implementation for Women Empowerment 31. Factors Affecting Entrepreneurship Intention: An Empirical Study with Reference to Indian University Students 32. Criminogenic Cognition of Juveniles in Conflict with the Law and Use of theInternet with the Victim-Offender Overlap 33. Testifying Legal Admissibility: Germline and Embryo Editing Focusing on SDG 15-Life on Earth 34. Exploring Psychological Wellbeing of College Students in Relation to Their Demographic Identity: Predictors and Prevalence 35. India and Nepal Bridging the Gap with Hydropower Project EnhancingScience and Technological Partnership 36. Systematic Literature Review of Interlinkages between SustainableDevelopment & Human Development 37. Impact of COVID-19 on Domestic Workers with Special Reference to Pune Region38. Entrepreneurial Education and Entrepreneurial Intentions: Mediation of Entrepreneurial Mindset and Moderated Mediation of Creativity 39. Role of Corporate Social Responsibility in Achieving Sustainable Development Goals40. Feasibility of DREAMS Afterschool Intervention to Implement SDG - 4, 5 and 11 in Rural India 41. Crowdsourcing: A Technique to Sustain the Educational Industry 42. Identity of Scheduled Tribes in India - A Systematic Review 43.Strategies Employed to Acquire and Reflect Political Knowledge 44. Impact of Select Vocabulary Learning Strategies (VLS) on Vocabulary Acquisition of Tertiary Level Learners 45. Socialization of Culture: Sociopolitical and Sociocultural Contexts Ensuing Cultural Transition and Hybridity 46. Parables of the Lost and Found: A Semiotic Dissection of Religious Discourse 47. Incorporating Research-based Pedagogical Implications in Grammar Through the Android Application: An Experimental Study 48. Legacy and Evolution of Panchayati Raj Institutions and TribalSelf-Governance in India 49. Prospects of PESA Act and Inhibitions in its Implementation in ScheduledAreas of Jharkhand, India 50. Exploring Health Information Seeking Behaviour Among Young Oraon Women in Jharkhand51. Evolution and Implementation of Land Acquisition Legislations in India 52. Change in Gender Relations: Re-Visiting Gender-Based Violence in Tribal Communities of India 53. "Sarna Adivasi" Religion Code: Contextualizing Religious Identity of Tribals in India 54. Sustainable Fashion: "Form Leisure"- Deconstructing Men's Formal ShirtsInto a Women's Wear Collection 55. Kondapalli Toys: White Woodcraft of Andhra Pradesh 56. Role of Consumer Perception on Genderless Fashion in Deconstructing Gender Stereotypes in Indian Society 57. Denial of Human Right to Water During Pandemic: Experience of Indian Slum 58. Dynamics of the Demographic Transition on Economic Development: Evidence From SRS Data in India 59. From Function to Fashion, Face Masks as a Flourishing New Product60. Cartoons and their Visual Aspects Affecting Children 61. Ergonomic issues faced by transporters of LPG gas cylinders 62. Proposed Concept for Mysore Pak Packaging 63. Livelihood Experiences of Working Women with Disability during COVID-19: Predicament and Prospect. 64. Developing Storytelling as a Method of the Design process in Bachelors of Interior Design Education 65. Review on Incorporating Visual Storytelling as a Method of theDesign Process in Design Education 66. Does Musically Responsive School Curriculum enhance Reasoning Abilities and Helps in Cognitive Development of School Students? 67. Music and Its Effect on Mathematical and Reading Abilities of Students: Pedagogy for Twenty-First Century Schools 68. An Exploration of the Complexities Involved in the Regulation of Green Buildings 69. The Makers and Users of Fashion, a Study of Contrast 70. Beyond Classroom: Impact of Covid-19 on Education System 71. Implementation of Rawls Theory of Justice in the Present Indian Reservation System 72. Financial Inclusion: Conceptual Understanding to Indian Report Card 73. Contemplating the Problems and Issues Related to Corporate Social Responsibility in India 74. Untapped Power of Music-Integrated Pedagogy: Its Role in Enhancement of "Behaviour and Self-Confidence" among School Students 75. Casualty of Dignity and Other Rights of Children Born Out of Casual Relationship: A Legal Conundrum 76. Women in Civil Engineering Profession: Career Profile of Indian Women 77. Factors That Make Public-Private Partnerships Appealing for Highway Projects in Gujarat 78. Risk Management in Public-Private Partnership-Based Infrastructure Projects: A Critical Analysis79. Construction Safety Practices: An Analysis 80. The Relevance of Kitchen Vastu Guidelines in Relation to Architecture 81. Drone Rules 2021: Analysis and Implications for India's UAV Programme 82. Toy Companies Using Unconventional Methods to Stay Relevant and Reach Evolving Minds of the Parents and Children 83. Behavior of Speed Breaker in Urban Context 84. Aesthetics of Distortion and the Absurd: Fusing Redemptive Existentialism andBerkeley's Metaphysics in Beckett's Plays 85. Explicit and Implicit Self-Esteem of Narcissists and Non-Narcissists.

Liberal feminism rooted in modernity, is closely connected with emancipationist political activity in which gender equality is a long-term goal guaranteed by democracy, at the same time that goal is considered to be a «self-legitimized myth». Feminism in "postmodern conditions" faces complicated and ambiguous processes of critical debates and sharp conflicts. On the one hand, it concerns acute arguments about the nature of the contemporary feminism, on the other,- the conflict between the theory of feminism and gender research, which lately has become evident. This mainly reflects disputes concerning sharp actualization of the relations between feminism and gender studies with obvious actualization of the "queer"-theories and corresponding discourses, which expands their impact on cultural and social discursive practices with visible appreciation by gender studies. It is necessary to stress, that "queer"-movements have never been simply movements for emancipation and civil rights. For feminism the latter means that the first phase (not "wave") of feminism has been completed. Opposition to feminism is not new. However, the claim that we are now in a post-feminism epoch is challenged. Feminism is effective in many countries of the contemporary world. The next phase will be developed in the context of the transformations of gender relations. At the same time, nowadays women`s interests as always occupy constant positions in the gender agenda. Moreover, feminist projects are very important for the transformations of the gender regimes and forms. Feminism can change not only the nature of the gender regime but the nature of the "late capitalism" as well: labour regimes, labour time regulations, elimination of violence both in private and public spheres etc. All these factors concern capitalism and gender regimes simultaneously. If democratic processes enhance, the feminist projects will be able to influence both the form of capitalism and the form of gender regimes.In this context such fundamental questions as whether the transgender epoch proclaims the end of gender in its traditional meaning and how all that influences the theories of feminism and gender should be answered. In the whole the «sexuality approach» provides an opportunity to consider the fundamental problems arising from our indefinite responses to the messages of the discourses and discourse practices in the world. However it is proved that the fact of the power component in the distribution of the gender roles is not less valid nowadays, and gender as a theory cannot be represented without an analysis of the corresponding power systems. Thus, if feminism is not the struggle for the equality of women, then it is a method for the scientific analysis. The idea of the non-importance of feminism now is crossed with the questions about the false importance of gender categories provided we live in the culture of the «liquid gender» where stable gender has become non-obligatory and arbitrary. It is also important that the intention to overthrow the «tyranny of the normal» is obvious both in the theory and practices of postmodernism. ; Феминистская позиция начала ХХІ в. убедительно демонстрирует актуализацию дискуссий между эмансипацией модерна и неолиберальной свободой постмодерна. Либеральный феминизм глубоко укоренен в модерне как рациональный проект эмансипации, в постмодерне освобождение человечества, в том числе эмансипация женщин, это «самолегитимный миф». Феминизм в «ситуации» постмодерна переживает сложные и неоднозначные процессы острых дебатов и внутренних конфликтов. С одной стороны, это спорные вопросы касательно феминизма модерна и его постмодернистской версии, с другой ¬¬¬– назревающей в течение последних лет конфликт между феминизмом и гендерными исследованиями с их акцентуализацией «квир»-теорий и соостветствующих дискурсов. Каким образом всё это влияет на теорию феминизма и гендера? Провозглашает ли трансгендерный век конец гендера в его традиционном значении? Ответы на эти вопросы по-разному представлены в теории феминизма и теории гендерных исследований. В целом, «сексуальное» дает возможность рассмотреть фундаментальные проблемы наших неопределенных ответов на вызовы дискурсов и дискурсивных практик в современном мире, однако по-прежнему валидным остается тот факт, что социокультурные роли мужчин и женщин не могут быть поняты без анализа соответствующих властных систем. Следовательно, если феминизм – это не отстаивание прав женщин, тогда феминистская теория явным образом дестабилизируется, превращаясь в метод. Мысль о том, что феминизм сегодня неуместен, пересекается с вопросами о том, стоит ли вообще заниматься гендерными категориями, если мы живём в культуре «гендерной текучести», где гендер становится необязательным и произвольным. Бесспорно, стремление свергнуть «тиранию нормального» очевидно и в теории, и в практике постмодернизма. Постмодернизм, отвергая не только биологический, но и психологический детерминизм, провозглашает «трансгендерный» век: гендер как идентификация с одним полом или субъектом – это фикция. Для феминисток последнее означает, что первая фаза (именно фаза) феминизма завершилась. Следующая фаза, развиваясь в контексте трансформирующихся гендерных отношений, может изменить не только природу гендерного режима, но и природу «позднего» капитализма (режимы труда, рабочего времени, борьба с насилием и т. д.). И хотя гендерные проекты динамично реконструируются в контексте трансформирующихся гендерных отношений в ХХІ веке, однако женщины по-прежнему занимают твердые позиции в феминистских проектах, более того именно феминистские проекты очень важны для изменения гендерного режима. ; Феміністська позиція початку ХХІ ст. переконливо демонструє актуалізацію дискусій між емансипацією модерну й неоліберальною свободою постмодерну. Ліберальний фемінізм, глибоко вкорінений у модерні як раціональний проект емансипації, у постмодерні звільнення людства, зокрема емансипація жінок, це «самолегітимний міф». Фемінізм у «ситуації» постмодерну переживає складні й неоднозначні процеси гострих дебатів і внутрішніх конфліктів. З одного боку, це спірні питання стосовно фемінізму модерну та його постмодерністської версії, з іншого – наростаючий впродовж останніх років конфлікт між фемінізмом і гендерними дослідженнями з їх акцентуалізацією квір-теорій і відповідних дискурсів. Яким чином усе це впливає на теорію фемінізму й гендеру? Чи проголошує трансгендерне століття кінець гендеру в його традиційному значенні? Відповіді на ці запитання по-різному подані в теорії фемінізму й теорії гендерних досліджень. У цілому, «сексуальне» дає можливість розглянути фундаментальні проблеми наших невизначених відповідей на виклики дискурсів і дискурсивних практик у сучасному світі, проте як і раніше валідним залишається той факт, що соціокультурні ролі чоловіків і жінок не можуть бути зрозумілі без аналізу відповідних владних систем. Отже, якщо фемінізм – це не відстоювання прав жінок, тоді феміністська теорія відверто дестабілізується, перетворюючись на метод. Думка про те, що фемінізм сьогодні недоречний, перетинається з питаннями про те, чи варто взагалі займатися гендерними категоріями, якщо ми живемо в культурі «гендерної плинності», де гендер стає необов'язковим і довільним. Безперечно, прагнення повалити «тиранію нормального» очевидно і в теорії, і в практиці постмодернізму. Постмодернізм, відкидаючи не лише біологічний, але й психологічний детермінізм, проголошує «трансгендерне» століття: гендер як ідентифікація з однією статтю або суб'єктом – це фікція. Для феміністок останнє означає, що перша фаза (саме фаза) фемінізму завершилася. Наступна фаза, розвиваючись в контексті гендерних стосунків, що трансформуються, може змінити не лише природу гендерного режиму, але й природу «пізнього» капіталізму (режими праці, робочого часу, боротьба з насильством тощо). І хоча гендерні проекти динамічно реконструюються в контексті гендерних стосунків, що трансформуються в ХХІ ст., проте жінки як і раніше займають тверді позиції у феміністських проектах, крім того, саме феміністські проекти дуже важливі для зміни гендерного режиму.

In the context of the global environmental and developmental crisis, both environmental relations of modern societies as well as their relations to non-modern, 'traditional' groups are called into question. In this regard, the global environmental and developmental crisis not only threatens the well-being of present and future human populations, but also reflects a crisis of modernity. The demarcation of protected areas for the protection of 'nature' is an important approach to tackle global environmental problems. Frequently, the remaining 'natural' areas suitable for nature conservation are, at the same time, living spaces of non-modern peoples. The 'classical' modern concept of protected areas - based on ideas of an inherent antagonism between humans and nature - in many cases led to the eviction of these people from protected areas. The poor balance of this 'classical' approach to preserve nature in protected areas, resistance from affected local people, as well as a growing awareness for the rights of these people have induced a revision of this approach. In the international discourses a new utility-oriented approach has gained rather broad acceptance which is based on a conservation strategy that takes into account the interests and rights of local populations in resources and services of protected areas. In practice, however, the establishment and management of protected areas often is far away from the standards of this revised protected area concept. Furthermore, this utility-oriented conservation approach has not only provoked a counter-movement within the conservation community, but also has to confront a critical localist approach to nature conservation focusing on local resource control and self-determination. Against this background, the study is concerned with the conflicts and debates involving local communities of the Karen ethnic minority group living in the Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary in Western Thailand which was established in 1974 and was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1991. People of the Karen ethnic minority group have been living in the area for at least 200 years. Until today, the Karen in Thung Yai predominantly grow hill rice for subsistence needs in a rotational swidden system under a communal resource management regime. Since the establishment of the sanctuary villages have been removed by state authorities at different times. Specifically with the declaration as a World Heritage Site, the remaining Karen villages became a political issue. The Royal Forest Department, the Military and politicians frequently request their resettlement, impose restrictions on their tradi-tional land use system, and are trying to induce them to resettle 'voluntarily' using violence and terror. At the same time, within the present discourse on 'people and forests' in Thailand, the Karen in Thung Yai are quoted for the position that human forest use and conservation of forests may well go hand in hand. The research focused on processes of local change within the Karen communities, as well as on the political conflicts regarding the villages in the sanctuary. Both aspects only become comprehensible within the broader context of national and international processes of modernisation and environmental discourse. The dynamic cultural identity of the Karen in Thung Yai, which is essentially related to their specific place of living, is crucial for their adaptability towards these external changes and challenges, but also for their resistance towards the threats regarding their existence in Thung Yai. However, this research not only explores the concrete local case of conflict within its encompassing national and international contexts of deforestation, nature conservation, indigenous rights, etc., but also intends to reflect this conflict and the research on it with regard to the self-conceptualisation of modern science and the culture of modernity. The findings of the study support claims to legalise the traditional settlement rights and land use areas of the Karen in the sanctuary, and suggests the appreciation of their traditional forest- and land use systems as well as their integration into the conception and management of the sanctuary. Concerning the problem of national integration, modernisation and cultural diversity, the study proposes a 'culture conservation approach' focusing on local rights to self-determination and resource use in the context of participative, democratic approaches to conflict resolution. With regard to the culture of modernity this approach implies questioning universalistic and hegemonic claims of 'modernity' as well as an increased attentiveness for environmental relations beyond the stereotypes of 'tradition' and 'modernity'. ; Die Fähigkeit des Menschen, seine Umwelt so zu verändern, dass er damit die eigenen Lebensbedingungen beeinträchtigt - bis hin zur Gefährdung der Existenzgrundlagen - ist seit den 1960er Jahren zunehmend deutlich und problematisch geworden. Als Ursachen dieser realen und potenziellen Gefährdungen gelten einerseits die technischen Möglichkeiten und die Entwicklungsdynamik moderner Industrie-Gesellschaften, andererseits das Bevölkerungswachstum und die Entwicklungsoptionen in den Ländern der sogenannten 3. Welt. Die globale Umweltkrise rückt somit in einen engen Zusammenhang mit einer globalen Entwicklungskrise, indem moderne Konzeptionen von 'Wachstum', 'Entwicklung' und 'Fortschritt' in Frage stehen, und zwar in den 'Entwicklungsländern' wie auch in den 'entwickelten' Gesellschaften selbst. Damit wird in der globalen Umwelt- und Entwicklungskrise sowohl das Naturverhältnis der Kultur der Moderne als auch deren Verhältnis zu nicht-modernen, 'traditionalen' Gesellschaften und Gruppierungen problematisch. Diese Problematisierung des Verhältnisses der Moderne gegenüber der 'Natur' und dem 'Traditionalen' - den beiden konstitutiven Anderen der Moderne - lässt sich auch als eine Krise der Moderne lesen. Der Rückgang der Tropenwälder und der damit verbundene Verlust an biologischer Vielfalt spielen sowohl in der wissenschaftlichen und politischen Diskussion als auch in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung der globalen Umweltkrise eine wichtige Rolle. Ein dominierender Ansatz zur Lösung dieser problematischen Aspekte des modernen Naturverhältnisses ist seit dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts der Versuch, 'Natur' durch die Einrichtung von Natur-Schutzgebieten zu bewahren. Aus einer globalen Perspektive betrachtet decken sich diese schützenswerten Gebiete häufig mit Lebensräumen nicht-moderner sozialer Gruppierungen. Konflikte zwischen Interessen an der Einrichtung von Schutzgebieten und Interessen 'indigener' oder 'traditionaler' Bevölkerungsgruppen, die in diesen Gebieten leben oder deren Ressourcen nutzen, sind die Regel, und haben nicht selten zur Vertreibung von Menschen aus Naturschutzgebieten geführt. Die 'klassische' moderne Schutzgebietskonzeption geht primär von einem Antagonismus zwischen Naturschutz und menschlicher Natur-Nutzung aus. Im Kontext des Modernisierungs-Diskurses gefährden sowohl Bevölkerungswachstum und Armut 'traditionaler' Gruppen als auch die Modernisierung dieser Gruppen die natürlichen Ressourcen und die biologische Diversität ihres Lebensraumes. Deshalb zielen Naturschutzbemühungen in dieser Rahmung des Problems i.d.R. auf die Umsiedlung der in Schutzgebieten lebenden Menschen. Lediglich über die Identifizierung einfacher nicht-moderner Gesellschaftsformen mit 'Natur' und der Festschreibung dieses Status, wird deren Existenz in Schutzgebieten aus dieser Perspektive heraus tolerierbar, bzw. werden sie sogar selbst schutzwürdig. Die schlechte Bilanz dieser Schutzgebietsstrategie, der Widerstand betroffener Bevölkerungsgruppen sowie ein wachsendes Bewusstsein für die Rechte dieser Gruppen haben seit den 1980er Jahren zu einer Revision der 'klassischen' Schutzgebietskonzeption geführt. Im internationalen Schutzgebiets-Diskurs hat sich inzwischen ein utilitätsorientierter Ansatz durchgesetzt, der den problematischen Zusammenhang von Mensch und Natur in der Schutzgebietsproblematik primär im Rahmen von Schutz-durch-Nutzungs-Strategien konzipiert und die Interessen und Rechte lokaler Bevölkerungsgruppen in und um Schutzgebiete in Rechnung stellt. Die Praxis der Einrichtung und des Managements von Schutzgebieten ist häufig weit entfernt von den Maßstäben des revidierten Schutzgebietskonzepts und ist insbesondere in 3. Welt Ländern meist noch dem 'klassischen' Modell verhaftet. Darüber hinaus stößt dieser utilitäts-orientierte Managementansatz, der als Teil einer Strategie globalen Ressourcenmanagements konzipiert ist, im Kontext des Globalisierungs-Diskurses auf den Widerstand lokalistischer Gegenpositionen. Diese Positionen stellen Strategien lokaler Ressourcenkontrolle und kultureller Selbstbestimmung in den Mittelpunkt ihres alternativen Lösungsansatzes für die globale Umwelt- und Entwicklungskrise. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die Arbeit die Auseinandersetzungen um die Gemeinschaften der ethnischen Minderheit der Karen im Wildschutzgebiet und Weltnaturerbe Thung Yai Naresuan im Westen Thailands. Hierbei zielt die Arbeit nicht nur auf die Analyse des konkreten lokalen Konfliktfalls im Zusammenhang der nationalen und globalen Kontexte, sondern auch auf die Reflektion dieser Auseinandersetzungen und meiner Beschäftigung mit ihnen mit Blick auf das eigene wissenschaftliche Selbstverständnis und den eigenen kulturellen Kontext, die Kultur der Moderne. Mit ihrer traditionellen Lebensweise, die eine nachhaltige und ressourcenschonende Nutzung ihres Lebensraumes ermöglicht, haben die Karen in Thung Yai erheblich zur Ausprägung der biologischen Vielfalt des Schutzgebietes und deren Erhaltung beigetragen. Hinsichtlich der Ressourcen und Ziele des Schutzgebietes stellen Bevölkerungsentwicklung und traditioneller zyklischer Brandrodungsfeldbau der Karen bis heute keine wesentlichen Probleme dar und werden dies im Kontext des traditionellen Systems vermutlich auch in Zukunft nicht sein. Erhebliche Einschränkungen der Nutzung von Bracheflächen durch das Royal Forest Department gefährden derzeit das traditionelle, subsistenzorientierte Land- und Waldnutzungssystem, was zunehmend zu Marktabhängigkeit und Cashcrop Anbau führt. Der Übergang von einer überwiegend subsistenz- zu einer stärker marktorientierten Wirtschaftsweise ist in verschiedenen Haushalten und Dörfern unterschiedlich weit fortgeschritten. Von staatlichen Behörden wird er teilweise propagiert und gefördert. Diese Veränderungen führen z.T. zu einer stärkeren Belastung und tendenziell zunehmenden Gefährdungen des Schutzgebietes und drohen so, die Legitimation der Siedlungen im Schutzgebiet in Frage zu stellen. Während eine Minderheit der Karen von diesen Veränderungen profitiert und sich mit den externen Interessen und Einflüssen zumindest arrangiert, empfindet die große Mehrheit der Karen diese Veränderungen und Einflüsse von 'außen' als eine Bedrohung ihrer traditionellen Lebensweise und Werte sowie ihres Lebensraumes, mit dem sie sich in hohem Maße identifizieren. Um sich mit diesen Veränderungen auseinander zu setzen und um eigene Interessen zu vertreten entstehen neue Institutionen und Organisationsformen.

Criticizing one-empire approaches, calls to apply much-needed transnational perspectives and methodologies to colonial history have recently emerged. This groundbreaking scholarship has already revealed that the competition between different European empires after 1850 has typically been overemphasized; in fact, a transnational perspective reveals extensive cooperation between the "great powers" of the age, along with myriad examples of exchanges and transfers of colonial knowledge. In this dissertation, I argue that during the height of the New Imperialism during the latter half of the long nineteenth century, one can go even further and describe the co-production of a "global trans-imperial culture" by all of the colonial powers of the age, facilitated by a common "knowledge infrastructure," including international congresses, trans-imperial scholarly exchange and expositions. I contend that Japan was an important member of this "colonial club" that was deeply engaged with evolving global colonial discourse and practice throughout this period. Emerging trans-imperial historiography has largely neglected Japan, while historians of Japan have tended to exaggerate its uniqueness in global imperial history and often missed important global trends in colonial policy that explain many characteristics of Japanese expansionism. Furthermore, an oversimplified description of Meiji expansionism as "mimetic imperialism" shared by some Japan scholars and global imperial historians ignores the degree to which all imperial powers imitated each other during this period and the great extent to which Japan was involved in multidirectional inter-imperial exchanges. The dissertation has three interrelated aims. First, it applies cutting-edge theories of inter-imperial exchanges and cooperation to the Japanese Empire, arguing that Japan took part in a developing global trans-imperial culture throughout the Meiji period. Focusing on connections rather than comparison, it traces how and when different examples of Western colonial knowledge came to Japan and ways in which Japan influenced other empires, investigating trans-imperial conduits like foreign consultants, scholarly texts and international expositions. Secondly, it works to dismantle persistent notions of Japan as a marginal latecomer to this community of imperial powers by demonstrating that Japan engaged with inter-imperially circulating discourses and practices from as early as 1868 and contributed to the development of the culture as a whole. The dissertation joins a growing body of critical work that argues that Meiji-era Hokkaidō is best understood as a colony in which modern technologies of settler colonialism were systematically employed starting directly after the Meiji Restoration. Finally, it employs theories of colonial association as a kind of overarching case-study to illustrate how ideas and practices of colonial governance circulated over imperial boundaries and concurrently influenced all empires of the time. During the second half of the nineteenth century, the strategy of assimilating colonized peoples became increasingly discredited among the colonial policy elite worldwide. New notions of how best to rule a colonial territory based on Social Darwinism and British and Dutch experiments in indirect rule, later collectively referred to as the "association" of colonizer and colonized with minimal cultural interchange, became correspondingly influential. Although assimilation and association are frequently treated as unchanging traits of specific empires (with France and Japan typically identified as assimilationist and Britain and the Netherlands as associationist), this dissertation contends that shifts between assimilation and association happened concurrently in different empires around the world, providing important evidence of a common trans-imperial culture. I will demonstrate that Japanese colonial elites engaged with these ideas at the same time as their counterparts in Western empires, with Japan's famous radical assimilation campaign coming only in the final years of its empire. Revealing the strong influence of associationist thought among Meiji leaders helps to illuminate the consistency and "timeliness" of Japanese colonial discourse and practice and challenges anachronistic notions of the Japanese Empire always being characterized by a unique form of colonial assimilationism. The empirical "body" of the dissertation is divided into three large, thematic sections. Part I investigates the trans-imperial linkages between Japan and the United States during Japan's colonization of Hokkaidō around the 1870s. Chapters 1 - 3 consider the role of three American professors, William Smith Clark, William Wheeler and David Pearce Penhallow, who were hired to establish an agricultural college as part of the colonial development of Hokkaidō. I argue that these American professors contributed to Japan's colonial expansionism in at least three ways: by helping the Kaitakushi physically transform Hokkaidō into a Japanese settler colony, by spreading a colonial worldview according to which the Ainu were portrayed as a primitive, dying race similar to Native Americans, and finally by acting as propagandists for Japanese expansionism after their return. Chapter 4 considers continuing links to American technologies of settler colonialism in the next generation through the writings of Satō Shōsuke on Hokkaidō's colonial status. Satō graduated in Sapporo Agricultural College's first class and later studied land policy in America before returning and becoming president of his alma mater. Part II investigates Japan's early colonization of Taiwan and the debates over its colonial status, which remained highly ambiguous for more than a decade after its acquisition by Japan in 1895. Chapter 5 considers the opinions of three Western colonial consultants from France, Britain and the United States who were engaged by the Japanese government in 1895 from the perspective of assimilation and association. I contend that contrary to previous assertions, all three individuals should be understood as proponents of globally fashionable theories of colonial association rather than as advocates of different national colonial cultures. Chapter 6 is devoted to the writings of Takekoshi Yosaburō, a prominent Japanese proponent of association. I argue that the position of his 1905 book Japanese Rule in Formosa in the domestic political debate over Taiwan's status has not been fully appreciated and that its 1907 English translation played a crucial role in linking Japan into the trans-imperial academic field of colonial policy studies. Thanks to the efforts of Takekoshi and other propagandists, Taiwan came to be seen as a model colony in the West, especially in the United States where it was widely considered to be a good example for the Philippines, raising Japan's status among world colonial powers. Part III shifts focus from colonial territories to expositions, which Japan used to present its empire to a mass public in Japan, its colonies and the West. I argue that expositions were one of the most important sites at which the global trans-imperial culture was created and maintained. Chapter 7 investigates how the Japanese Empire was presented to a Western public at the 1910 Japan-British Exhibition in London, where it displayed its various colonial territories in detail for the first time outside of Japan. Chapter 8 analyzes presentations of the constituent parts of the Japanese Empire at the Takushoku hakurankai or Colonization Exposition that was held in Tokyo two years later. Based on the above case studies, this dissertation concludes that contrary to common assertions, colonial assimilation was not a salient characteristic of Meiji imperialism, and that Japanese leaders did not emulate specific French assimilationist models as is commonly asserted. Instead, leading colonialists in both France and Japan, as well as other empires, were concurrently influenced by new, anti-assimilationist ideas of colonial association, including conserving resources by allowing indigenous laws and customs to be maintained as much as possible, making colonies financially self-sufficient and endowing a separate colonial administration with vast discretionary power. This is not to say that assimilation did not have proponents in Japan and that it did not sometimes inform Japanese colonial policy, but rather that it did not form the dominant mode of Japanese colonialism at this time. While examples of assimilationism can be found in Meiji Japan, I contend that these have been anachronistically exaggerated by later historians as a result of their greater familiarity of Japan's later radical assimilation drive. The ideas that would later be collectively known as association so dominated the global trans-imperial discourse of colonial administration at this time that countries like Japan that aspired to influence and respect by the world's "great powers" could hardly afford to ignore them. Assimilation was widely censured as a failed policy by inept "Latin" colonizers like Spain and could therefore only be advocated by Japanese politicians in a domestic context. Even then, opponents of assimilation had a powerful tool at their disposal in the ostensibly scientific arguments of numerous well-known Western theorists. Though not always completely successful, Japanese overseas propaganda still managed to use presentations of Taiwan's efficient management along associationist lines to convince many Westerners of Japan's aptitude for colonization, allowing it to participate in many of the key institutions of the global trans-imperial culture and even, at times, to serve as an inspiration to other empires. ; Research funded by the Linnaeus University Centre for Concurrences in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies and Forskarskolan i historiska studier (Lund University)

The main objective of the thesis is to study gender differences in language use in a setting of political speeches. The 113th United States Congress, a legislative branch meeting which lasted from January 2013 until January 2015, was selected. In addition to the meeting being the most recent one, the fact that it was composed of the record number of female participants, namely 450 male and 103 female politicians, was the reason for choosing the 113th Congress. The speech transcripts, downloaded from the official repository The Library of Congress Thomas, were included in the corpus. The corpus was composed of all 100-word uninterrupted speeches. The technical prerequisite for analyzing the speech is for it to be composed of at least 100 words, hence the choice. 672 speeches by the female and 2,983 by the male politicians were included in the analysis. The corpus was analyzed with the text analysis software Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count, which calculated the degree to which the politicians used 70 language categories ranging from the word count and grammatical categories to different topics, spoken and punctuation categories. The computational analysis results were uploaded in the software for the statistical analysis Statistical Package for the Social Sciences which was used to do the Mann-Whitney U, independent sample t-test, Kruskal-Wallis, one-way ANOVA and two-tailed Spearman correlation tests. The statistical tests were used to study the differences in language use by the male and the female politicians, i.e. to calculate if the differences were statistically significant. They were also used in examining some intragroup differences and correlations between variables. The quantitative analysis results were interpreted and the possible underlying reasons for the gender differences elaborated on. The selected tools for the computational and statistical data analysis were proven to be useful. The text analysis software LIWC is a useful tool for the fast and accurate analysis of a large corpus. The pre-established independently rated categories, containing 4,500 words and word stems, provide an unbiased word categorization. Due to their compatibility, LIWC output results are easily uploaded in SPSS, which provides a wide choice of statistical tests, thus making SPSS an excellent supplemental tool. The tools are sufficient for a quantitative data analysis, yet less helpful in results interpretation. To put it differently, the tools provide the information about the difference in frequency and not the contextual usage itself. In the analysis of the corpus, several major gender differences emerged. The female politicians were shown to be more formal, critical and task-focused, while the male politicians were more socially oriented and elaborative, occupying the floor more than the female politicians. While the female politicians worked on establishing themselves as independent politicians, the male politicians embraced their collective identities. Also, the female politicians focused on raising the awareness of different health issues and providing support for patients and their families, the male politicians focused on the consequences and possible solutions to the problems. ; Ciljevi i hipoteza Glavni je cilj ove doktorske disertacije bio utvrditi postoje li razlike u jezičnome izražavanju političara i političarki koji su sudjelovali u 113. sazivu američkoga Kongresa. Osim pobrojavanja i klasificiranja rodnih razlika, cilj je bio izračunati statističku značajnost u uporabi određene jezične kategorije. Drugim riječima, cilj je bio odrediti koja je od dviju proučavanih skupina ispitanika upotrebljavala svaku od 70 jezičnih kategorija više i je li ta razlika u uporabi bila statistički značajna ili ne. Također, jedan je od ciljeva bio istumačiti dobivene statističke rezultate nudeći moguća objašnjenja za rodne razlike u jezičnome izražavanju, odnosno u uporabi pojedine jezične kategorije. Osnovna je hipoteza da postoje statistički značajne rodne razlike u jezičnome izražavanju političara i političarki koji su sudjelovali u 113. sazivu Kongresa. Također, pretpostavilo se da će političarke, s ciljem uspješnijega etabliranja, biti pripremljenije, ozbiljnije i formalnije u iznošenju svojih ideja, dok će političari govoriti duže, biti ekspresivniji i koristiti agresivnije reference. Metodologija Korpus istraživanja sastoji se od transkripata govora iz 113. saziva američkoga Kongresa preuzetih sa službenoga repozitorija govora iz Kongresa Thomas. Repozitorij se sastoji od svih govora iz Doma i Senata, naknadnih replika i objašnjenja političara, rasprava, dnevnih obavijesti, poziva na sjednice, amandmana i načina glasovanja. U korpus su istraživanja uključeni svi neprekinuti govori pojedinoga političara koji ispunjavaju tehnički uvjet od najmanje 100 riječi. Točnije, 672 govora političarki i 2 983 govora političara, transkribiranih na ukupno 5 504 stranice, uključeni su u korpus istraživanja. Prije analize, transkripti su pročišćeni slijedeći službene tehničke upute. Istraživanje se sastojalo od dvaju dijelova – kvantitativnoga i kvalitativnoga. U kvantitativnome su se dijelu istraživanja provele dvije analize. Prvo se provela računalna analiza korpusa primjenom programskoga alata Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count. Programski alat analiza svaku pojedinačnu riječ u korpusu i uspoređuje ju sa svojim unutarnjim rječnikom koji se sastoji od 4 500 riječi i korijena riječi. Unutarnji je rječnik sastavio panel nezavisnih stručnjaka, a odabir su i kategorizacija riječi za uvrštavanje u rječnik prošli nekoliko procjenjivačkih etapa. Nakon što programski alat usporedi svaku riječ s pojavnicama u svome rječniku, svrstava ih u 80 kategorija koje se kreću od prebrojavanja riječi i gramatičkih kategorija do tematskih i interpunkcijskih kategorija. Za potrebe se ovoga istraživanja odabralo 70 kategorija koje nudi spomenuti programski alat. Rezultati računalne analize učitani su u programski alat za statističku analizu podataka Statistical Package for the Social Sciences. Kako bi se odabrali adekvatni testovi za statističku analizu, prvo je proveden test distribucije podataka kontinuiranih varijabli. Nadalje, s obzirom na postavljena istraživačka pitanja, u programskome su se alatu koristili Mann-Whitney U i t-test za nezavisne uzorke. Također, korišteni su i jednosmjerna analiza varijance ANOVA, Kruskal-Wallis te Spearmanov koeficijent korelacije kako bi se napravila podloga i predložio smjer budućih istraživanja u području. U kvalitativnome su se dijelu istraživanja interpretirali rezultati dobiveni statističkom analizom te objašnjavali razlozi rodnih razlika u korištenju pojedine varijable uzimajući u obzir kontekst govora i koristeći kritičku analizu diskursa. Rezultati i zaključci Korišteni programski alati pokazali su se korisnima za kvantitativnu analizu podataka. LIWC je koristan programski alat koji omogućava brzu, točnu i nepristranu kategorizaciju riječi i računalnu analizu. Posebno je pogodan za analize na velikome korpusu. S obzirom na kompatibilnost dvaju programskih alata, rezultati računalne analize lako se mogu učitati u programski alat za statističku obradu podataka SPSS koji omogućava širok izbor parametrijskih i neparametrijskih testova. Međutim, programski alat SPSS može samo dati odgovor na pitanje o frekvenciji korištenja kontinuiranih varijabli i statističkoj značajnosti, ali ne i o kontekstualnoj uporabi pojedine varijable. Drugim riječima, ukoliko je istraživačko pitanje koja od dviju ili više promatranih skupina upotrebljava pojedinu varijablu više i je li razlika u uporabi statistički značajna, programski alati LIWC i SPSS mogu se koristiti kao glavna sredstva u istraživanja. No, ukoliko, pored spomenutoga, istraživačko pitanje uključuje i razloge za uporabu pojedine varijable, programski se alati mogu koristiti samo kao pomoćna sredstva u istraživanju. Po provedbi računalne, statističke i kontekstualne analize korpusa, donijelo se nekoliko glavnih zaključaka u vezi s rodnim razlikama u jezičnoj uporabi na korpusu govora iz 113. saziva američkoga Kongresa. Političarke su imale ozbiljniji pristup formalnije se obraćajući predsjedavajućem te obrazlažući razloge svoga govora, dok su političari svoje govore češće započinjali tehnikom in medias res. Političarke su bile kritičnije u svojim govorima, koristile složeniji vokabular i više primjera vezanih uz posao, dok su političari proveli više vremena za govornicom i nerijetko iznosili primjere iz privatnoga života. Kontekstualnom se analizom uporabe zamjenica može zaključiti da političarke rade na etabliranju sebe kao nezavisnih sudionika političke scene, dok političari spremnije prihvaćaju kolektivni identitet pri čemu češće spominju doprinose svoje grupacije. Političari su ekspresivniji i češće izražavaju svoje osjećaje na različite načine tijekom čega su im govori postajali nesigurniji, dok su političarke usmjerenije na izvršavanje zadatka. I jedna i druga skupina ispitanika daju veći javi prostor osobama muškoga roda. Nadalje, ciljevi govora političarki često su bili orijentirani na podizanje svijesti o određenome problemu i pružanje podrške obiteljima oboljelih ili ratnih žrtava, dok su političari djelovali proaktivno ukazujući na posljedice i nudeći rješenja za određene probleme. I političari i političarke bavili su se pitanjima postignuća i uspjeha, no političari su uspjeh promatrali kroz prizmu poražavanja protivnika, dok su se političarke fokusirale na rezultat koji nije uključivao nečiji poraz. Metodološki se okvir i rezultati ovoga istraživanja mogu primijeniti u daljnjim istraživanjima rodnih razlika u političkome diskursu na način da se proširi korpus, napravi komparativna analiza više saziva Kongresa, istraže jezična izražavanja u kongresima drugih zemalja, uvrste nove kategorijske varijable poput stranačke pripadnosti, sudjelovanja u izvršnoj ili zakonodavnoj vlasti i sl.

Introduction. Venturing to Find New Approaches to Heritage in Peril for the 21st Century -- Part I. Cultural Heritage Between Theory, the Past, and the Future -- Ruins as Cultural Heritage. Ethical and Aesthetic Considerations -- Finding the Intangible: Contested Cityscapes, Inclusive Cultural Heritage Determinations, Balancing Stakeholder Interests… Is Urban Property Law Up to the Challenge? -- Should Heritage be Preserved? Examining Contention Over Confederate Monument Removal -- Ruins and Heritages, the Great Mutation of China's Diplomacy in its Encounter with Europe in the 19th Century -- Cultural Heritage Law and NaturalCultural Paradigms within the Sustainable Development Discourse -- Adopting a Holistic Approach to Cultural and Natural Heritage Protection under the UNESCO World Heritage Convention -- Cultural Heritage and the Conservation and Insecurity Paradigms: International Law in the Pursuit of Social Cohesion -- NFT and Blockchain Technology for a Sustainable Future of Cultural Heritage -- The Virtual Museum: How Technology and Virtual Reality may Help Protect and Promote Cultural Heritage -- The Two Most Important 21st Century Disputes in Cultural Heritage Law -- Part II. Heritage Issues in Times of War and Conflict -- The Protection of Cultural Property in the Case of Armed Conflict: The State of Current and Future Developments in Military Doctrine -- Military Necessity as an Exception in the Context of Cultural Heritage Protection: Exploring the Role Played by the Proportionality Principle -- Cultural Heritage as a Neutral Party: The Role of Neutrality in the Protection of Cultural Heritage During Armed Conflict -- Mens Rea in International Criminal Law: A Look at Eichmann's Responsibility in the Light of Kant and Arendt -- Protecting Cultural Heritage in Times of War: A Study of the Gravity of Protection Rules vs the Weight of Violations -- To Break Their Will to Fight: The Weaponization of Heritage in Modern Irregular Warfare -- Heritage in War: International Criminal Responsibility for the Destruction of Cultural Heritage in Armed Conflict -- Destruction of Natural and Cultural Heritage during the Armed Conflicts: An International Law Perspective -- Facing Heritage Protection in Armed Conflicts, International Institutions and Civil Society -- Armed Non-State Actors and Cultural Heritage Protection under IHL -- Cultural Heritage and International Security through the role of ANSAs -- Part III. Heritage Issues in Times of Peace and Stability -- Law, Vague Legal Terms and Clothing as Everyday Culture -- Eat the Rich: A Rethinking of the Heritage-Crime-Development Nexus -- Mainstreaming Indigenous Peoples' Human Rights in the Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage: The Role and Issues Surrounding of Relevant Global Governance Actors -- The Legal Process of Transformation: Exploring the Interactive Relationship between Cultural Heritage and Geographical Indications (GIs) -- Gender, Traditional Cultural Expressions, and Intellectual Property: Exploring Women's Empowerment and Cultural Production in Zambia -- Folk Art and Stylized Folk Art from the Perspective of Intellectual Property Law. Analysis of the Example of Two Polish Folk Song and Dance Ensembles, 'Mazowsze' and 'Śląsk' -- Part IV. Heritage as a Right: From the Fight for Preserving the Past to the Questions of Restitution -- Shrouds of Silence: Dismantling of the Heritage Sites of Middle Eastern Minorities as de facto Erasure of History -- The Consequences of Violence against Women and Children in Armed Conflicts for their Intangible Cultural Heritage. A Diachronic Perspective of Universal Rights of Women -- Cultural Heritage: A Critical Element of the Right to Education and the Right to Identity of Children in Armed Conflict -- Legal Obstacles to Claims for Restitution of Cultural Objects Removed as Spoils of War -- Cultural Heritage Law in the Dock: Protecting Cultural Objects in Un-recognized States and Governments -- Cultural Treasures and their Place of Origin: Crimean Treasures return to Kyiv -- Performing Special Protection: Cultural Heritage in PostWar Kosovo -- Conclusions. Heritage in War and Peace -- Afterword. Return to the First Seminar: Protecting an Invaluable Heritage. The Egyptian Case.

Right to water may sound novel and somewhat dramatic, yet it has been central to the quest of human civilization for thousands of years. One of the earliest references to water as 'common property' can be found in the Jewish laws as early as 3000 BCE.Similar views are also found in Islam. In fact, the Arabic word for Islamic law - shari'ah - originally meant "the place from which one descends to water."Since water is a gift from the divine to all living beings, sharing water is regarded as holy duty. This is found across religions, regions, societies, and communities, from New Zealand to Nigeria, from Bangladesh to Brazil. But then, what transformed the divine sanction? What led to the negation of the 'commons,' with sharing of the riverine water across territorial boundaries suffering the most?The answer probably lies as much as in the politics of safeguarding one's personal or national interests as it is in the limitations imposed by our disciplinary understanding of things.In this context, a thorough reexamination, even reconceptualization,of some of the core issuesis required. Firstly, the concept of water needs to be understood not as H2O, as it is done in physical sciences,but as H2OP4. That is, the meaning of water in social sciences must include not only 'twice hydrogen plus oxygen' but also four P's - pollution, power, politics and profit. This is not to discount the 'science' in the conceptualization of water but rather to add elements central to social sciences. Secondly, the concept of river needs to be redefined and understood not as a carrier of water, as assumedin most of theWestern languages, but as 'nadi,' a flow consisting of prana (life), shakti (power), and atman (soul), as etymologically definedin most of the South Asian languages. This comes closer to what critical hydrologists would say, WEBS, that is, a 'river' consists of water, energy, biodiversity and sediment. In this light, any fragmentation of transboundary river waterin the name of 'sharing'becomes an unworkable option, unless of course a mechanism is found to 'share'the water of the river along with its energy, biodiversity and sediment, and that again, without distorting and harming the life of the river! Thirdly, the subject of 'water commons'needs to be approached from the standpoint of 'rights' of both human andriver. This is to flag the notion that nature, including rivers, has 'rights'just like humans, although their manifestations may be different. In fact, empowered humans, particularly those in control of the state, have more 'responsibility' than 'rights' in dissuading themselves and others from creating conditions of human wrongs, not only against fellow human beings but also against nature. Finally, if the 'rights' ofhumans are to be ensuredthen there is an urgent need to reconceptualize and mainstream the human as a multiverse being. This is because humans are not only political beings but also economic, cultural, ecological, technological, and psychological beings. In this light, if conflicts are to be contained then humans need to be empowered in all possible areasof life – politics, economics, ecology, culture, technology, and psychology. This would certainly require empowering each and every person, all at the same time receptive to nature in general and rivers in particular. The book is designed to initiate a discourse on the civilizational quest for water commons, indeed, with the expectation that a discussion on rights and rivers would lead to a creative flow of ideas and practices.

Towards new agendas for transformative global studies : an introduction / S A Hamed Hosseini, James Goodman, Sara C. Motta, and Barry K. Gill -- Reinventing the radical beyond the critical : towards a transformative scholarship in global studies / S A Hamed Hosseini and Barry K. Gills -- 21st century deglobalization and the struggle for global justice in the world revolution of 20xx / Christopher Chase-Dunn -- On the question of bodies, flesh, and global racial capitalism / Anna M. Agathangelou and Mishall Ahmed -- Crises of capital and climate : three contradictions and prospects for contestation / James Anderson and James Goodman -- Global economy of knowledge in transformative global studies : decoloniality, ecologies of knowledges and pluriversity / Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni -- Another world is possible : the possibilities for a transformative, post-capitalist education / Richard Hall -- Revisiting neoliberalism in the age of rising authoritarianisms : between convictions and contradictions / Emel Akçalı -- End of ideology? : a neoliberal hoax and lessons for the left / Rafal Soborski -- Pueblo and exteriority : on the thought of Enrique Dussel / Mario Sáenz -- Transmodern transdevelopment : an alternative response to the 21st century global ecosociocultural crisis / Antonio Luis Hidalgo-Capitán and Ana Patricia Cubillo-Guevara -- The political economy dynamics of global disintegration and its implications for war, peace and security in the 21st century / Heikki Patomäki -- BRICS from above, commoning from below / Patrick Bond and Ana Garcia -- Contested American dominance : global order in an era of rising powers / Salvador Santino F. Regilme Jr. and James Parisot -- Pro-capitalist violence and globalization : lessons from Latin America / Jasmin Hristov -- Populism and transformative politics in West Bengal, India / Debal K. Singha Roy -- The (mis)shaping of health : problematizing neoliberal discourses of individualism and responsibility / Lisette Farias Vera -- Politics of hope : transformation or stagnation? / Marjo Lindroth and Heidi Sinevaara-Niskanen -- A materialist ecofeminist reading of the green economy; or, Yes Karl, the ecological footprint is sex-gendered / Ariel Salleh -- Climate change and capitalism / Hans A Baer -- Planetary ethics beyond neoliberalism : the Earth Charter's 'Community of Life' / Alfonso Fernández-Herrería and Francisco Miguel Martínez-Rodríguez -- The politics of the land rush : scales of land contention and the reconfiguration of political authority / Jacobo Grajales and Mathilde Allain -- Three worlds of climate imperialism? : prospects for climate justice / James Goodman -- Work in global capitalism / Kwang-Yeong Shin -- Unravelling monopoly capital in the 21st century and the role of the imperial innovation system : Silicon Valley and counter-hegemonies / Raúl Delgado Wise -- Public health 4.0 in the emergent climate of global transformation / Deane Neubauer -- Global capitalism, wealth inequality, and the art sector / Andres Solimano and Paula Solimano -- A capitalist world? : imagining, envisioning and enacting futures of work and organization centered around informal and diverse economies / Richard J White and Colin C Williams -- Owning the future of work / Alec Stubbs -- The future of labor and capital in China / An Li and Zhun Xu -- Toward human/non-human conviviality : buen vivir as a transformative alternative to capitalist coloniality / Eija Ranta -- Subaltern politics in the world's largest democracy : utopian horizons versus conjunctural compulsion? / Alf Gunvald Nilsen -- Intersectionality and refugee justice : feminist approaches to insecurity and precarity / Beverly Weber -- New forms of feminized resistances and their role in the (re)creation of emancipatory political subjectivities in Latin America / Liz Mason Deese -- Territories of decolonising feminist/ised struggles / Sara C. Motta -- Governing the petropolis : from resource entrepreneurialism to resource commoning / Franklin Obeng-Odoom -- Strategy in/for progressive transformation : a pluri-scalar war of position / Thomas Muhr -- Struggle, resistance and disruption in austerity Europe / Nikolai Huke, David J. Bailey, Mònica Clua-Losada and Olatz Ribera-Almandoz -- The future of revolutions : intersectional global climate justice as humanity's best hope / John Foran.

Foreword -- Introduction -- Part one: Setting the scene -- Chapter 1- Towards sustainable solutions in international security management – an introduction -- Introduction to Section 1. Conceptual perspectives on the international safety and security landscape -- Chapter 2- Security and safety: An integrative perspective -- Chapter 3- Positive safety -- Chapter 4- Managing for Security -- Chapter 5- Trends on Security, Safety and Criminal Justice in the Netherlands -- Introduction to Section 2: How do we talk about security? Security narratives -- Chapter 6- What do people talk about when they talk about experiencing safety -- Chapter 7- When words make fences: a look into how words and media narratives contribute to the creation of a fortress Europe -- Chapter 8- Welcome to the "shit show": Leveraging emotions for theory building -- Chapter 9- Looking at safety and security issues in different cultures -- Chapter 10- Common security culture: myth or reality? Security co-creation from the risk management perspective: An essay based on observation, critical thinking and a strong belief in a better future -- Chapter 11- Artist's reflections: The governance of safety and security as a performance' -- Introduction to Section 3: Grand security challenges -- Chapter 12- International security challenges of climate change: Lessons from the Syrian case for a multi-stakeholder approach to resilient adaptation -- Chapter 13- Target and Trigger. A reflection on the relation between cultural heritage and peace and security -- Part four: Organisational perspective -- Chapter 14- Emerging strategies to prevent Islamic radicalisation in Europe: Evidence from Italy -- Chapter 15- Illicit trade and private business -- Chapter 16- Finding safety in the smart city: A discourse analysis with strategic implications -- Chapter 17- Performance and participation in the panopticon: Instruments for civic engagement with urban surveillance technologies -- Chapter 18- Security and the new generation workforce -- Introduction to Section 4a: How do we organise security? Stakeholder perspectives -- Chapter 19- Business and corporate security: Contributing to a safer world' -- Chapter 20- Private security production -- Chapter 21- International security management in the Croatian police: Presenting a multi-faceted approach -- Chapter 22- Foresight-based Leadership. Decision making in a growing AI environment -- Chapter 23- Perceived opportunities and challenges of artificial intelligence within the police – a public management perspective' -- Chapter 24- A practice-based approach to security management: Materials, meaning and competence for trainers of healthcare cybersecurity -- Chapter 25- Local security governance in vulnerable residential areas' -- Chapter 26- Informational requirements to support positive safety lens policymaking -- Introduction to Section 4b: How do we organise security? Collaborations and networks -- Chapter 27- Collaborating across workplace boundaries: Recommendations based on identity research -- Chapter 28- Collaboration, unexpected events and governance in complex temporary organisations -- Chapter 29- The CBRN threat: Perspective of an inter-agency response -- Chapter 30- The practical realities of security management in a changing world -- Chapter 31- Countering criminal facilitation through public-private cooperation in the Netherlands -- Chapter 32- Cooperation and networking – a key to successful policing -- Introduction to Section 5: Implications for education and learning -- Chapter 33- Making waves through education: A method for addressing security grand challenges in educational contexts -- Chapter 34- A stroke of genius: Rembrandt's "The Anatomy Lesson" as an inspiration for organising research for, about and in the world of policing -- Chapter 35- Blended co-design of education: The case of an executive master's in security management -- Chapter 36- European Joint Master's in Strategic Border Management: educational hub for international cooperation and networking in EU border management -- Chapter 37- The establishment of the international police relations section at the German police university – an investment in the present and the future.

The increasing presence of Muslim women in higher education centers in Spain (and, in countries around our European environment), generated - in its day before the pandemic - the debate on the possibility and feasibility of approving regulations or codes of clothing within the Public Universities. The purpose was none other than to prevent garments such as the burka or the niqab, which prevent and/or hinder the identification of university students in theclassroom and, specifically, the identification of female students because they are the bearers of this type of clothing, affect the normal development of academic institutions. Obviously, the query was extended, for reasons not only of identification, but also of security, to any type of garment or clothing that completely covered the face and/or head of its wearers. The current situation in many countries - after the more or less normalized return to attendance in postpandemic classrooms - has reopened the debate. Especially taking into account the imposition of the burqa on women in public spaces in countries such as Afghanistan as a result of an excessively restrictive interpretation of religious and/or cultural traditions whose burden - for purposes of observance - falls on women and, specifically, on the body of women. Saving the distances with the particular situation of Afghanistan, the debate emerges in the currentEuropean context on the need or opportunity to have regulations or dress codes in university environments that allow limiting the access and/or use of university spaces to people who cannot be identified. The article investigates the normative and jurisprudential framework that affects this issue from the perspective of the gender perspective as a critical methodology in the analysis of legal discourse.
La cada vez mayor presencia de mujeres musulmanas en los centros de educación superior en España (y, en países de nuestro entorno europeo), generó antes de la pandemia el debate sobre la posibilidad y viabilidad de aprobar reglamentos o códigos de vestimentas en el seno de las Universidades Públicas. La finalidad no era otra que evitar que prendas como el burka o la niqab, que impiden y/o dificultan la identificación en el aula del alumnadouniversitario y, en concreto, la identificación de alumnas por ser estas las portadoras de este tipo de prendas, afectara al desarrollo normal de las instituciones académicas. Obviamente, la consulta se hizo extensible, por cuestiones no solo identificativas, sino de seguridad a cualquier tipo de prendas o vestimentas que cubriera completamente el rostro y/o cabeza de sus portadores. La situación actual en muchos países - tras la vuelta más o menos normalizada a una presencialidad en las aulas pospandemia - ha vuelto a abrir el debate. Máxime teniendo en cuenta la imposición en los espacios públicos del burka a las mujeres en países como Afganistán fruto de una interpretación excesivamente restrictiva de las tradiciones religiosasy/o culturales cuya carga - a efectos de observancia - recae sobre las mujeres y, en concreto, sobre el cuerpo de las mujeres. Salvando las distancias con la particular situación de Afganistán, emerge el debate en el contexto europeo actual sobre la necesidad u oportunidad de contar en los entornos universitarios con reglamentos o códigos de vestimenta que permitan limitar el acceso y/o utilización de los espacios universitarios a las personas que nopuedan ser identificadas. El artículo indaga en el marco normativo y jurisprudencial que resulta afecta a esta cuestión desde la óptica de la perspectiva de género como metodología crítica en el análisis del discurso jurídico.