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In what follows, I would like to make some remarks on the replies of Carlos Bernal and Juan Antonio Cruz. Both Bernal and Cruz believe that it is possible to use the language of Law without being constrained to accept its structural restrictions. At one level, therefore, the answer is nothing less than Margaret Thatcher's: "there is no such thing as a free lunch." Then I will refer to the way in which Roberto Gargarella's contribution connects the discussion on social rights with the discussion on the relationship between law and politics. ; En lo que sigue, deseo hacer algunas observaciones a las réplicas de Carlos Bernal y de Juan Antonio Cruz. Tanto Bernal como Cruz creen que es posible utilizar el lenguaje del derecho sin por eso verse constreñidos a aceptar las restricciones estructurales del mismo. A cierto nivel, por lo tanto, la respuesta es nada menos que la de Margaret Thatcher: "there is no such thing as a free lunch". Luego me referiré al modo en que la contribución de Roberto Gargarella conecta la discusión sobre los derechos sociales con la discusión sobre la relación entre derecho y política.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Talking about Ourselves -- Chapter I: On Left and Right -- Chapter II: On Politics. -- Chapter III: On Institutions -- Chapter IV: On Change. -- Chapter V: On the Social Contract -- Chapter VI: On Democracy. -- Chapter VII: On Liberty -- Chapter VIII: On Poverty -- Chapter IX: On Inequality -- Chapter X: On Opportunity -- Chapter XI: On Risk -- Chapter XII: On Progress -- Chapter XIII: On Capital -- Chapter XIV: On Labour -- Chapter XV: On Redistribution. -- Chapter XVI: On Idealism -- Chapter XVII: On the Environment -- Chapter XVIII: On the World -- Chapter XIX: On Values -- Chapter XX: On Alignment. -- Summary of Key Points -- What the Left Stands for. -- Endnotes.

DOI:10.5294/DIKA.2015.24.1.9 "¿Puede un creyente, manifestándose como tal, intervenir válidamente en los debates basilares que integran la agenda política de las democracias?" Con esa pregunta, el profesor argentino Luis María Bandieri empieza el prólogo de La religión en la razón pública,, en el libro de Iván Garzón Vallejo que aborda el problema de la relación entre creyentes y no creyentes en el ágora de las democracias, donde los argumentos religiosos han dejado de ser argumentos de autoridad.

Social problems in the global South are often explained by reference to domestic decisions or "institutional quality" in the Southern countries, while there are also prominent criticisms of such "nationalist explanations". Crucially, the dispute over correct mode of explanation is not only epistemological, but also political, as has been often noted in analyses of hegemony. This paper develops such ideas about "hegemonic" forms of explanation by analysing how an explanatory tendency becomes institutionalised in the operating logic of international organisations. We analyse as a case study the long-term developments within the UN in the field of multinational enterprises (MNEs). We follow the process in which an agenda focused on the regulation of MNEs shifted into the direction of focusing on local institutional quality and emphasising "partnerships" instead of regulation. The analysis demonstrates how political momentum and external challenges affect explanatory tendencies, and generally the deep impact of organisational embeddedness of these tendencies.

Shambaugh reviews BEYOND TIANANMEN: The Politics of U.S.-China Relations, 1989-2000 by Robert L. Suettinger.

The establishment of the Chinese Social Democratic Party (CSDP) in Taiwan in 1991 attracted a great deal of public attention. Some considered that the CSDP might play the role of a third party in Taiwan politics. After providing a brief analysis of the Taiwan's two-party system in recent years, the author examines the rise of the CSDP and accesses the role and potential political influence of the new party. (DÜI-Sen)

En esta ocasión, la Revista Andina de Estudios Políticos presenta su sexto volumen, el cual trae un Dossier especial sobre el estado actual de las relaciones entre China y América Latina. Este número de la RAEP fue hecho en el marco de las actividades que el Instituto de Estudios Políticos Andinos viene realizando con la Comunidad de Estudios Chinos y Latinoamericanos de Beijing (CECLA), el cual se inserta dentro de la amplia producción bibliográfica que se viene dando en torno al carácter del llamado 'ascenso' (también llamado 'regreso') de China a la arena internacional como actor de primer orden. No hay ninguna zona geográfica del mundo que no haya sido afectada por este proceso, por lo que hay un interés cada vez mayor por parte de Gobiernos, think-tanks, Universidades y Centros de Investigación en general. ; On this occasion, the Andean Magazine of Political Studies presents its sixth volume, which brings a special Dossier on the current state of relations between China and Latin America. This number of the RAEP was made in the framework of the activities that the Institute of Andean Political Studies has been carrying out with the Community of Chinese and Latin American Studies of Beijing (CECLA), which is inserted within the wide bibliographic production that is taking place around the character of China's so-called 'rise' (also called 'return') to the international arena as a leading actor. There is no geographical area in the world that has not been affected by this process, so there is a growing interest on the part of Governments, think tanks, Universities and Research Centers in general.

Posing radical challenges to structural inequality is the defining quality of the Left. What role electoral politics might play in such processes is a dilemma of radical politics, the contours of which vary by historical and national contexts. For the U.S. Left there is a distinctive aspect of the dilemma directly related to the failure of a "Left" party of even the most moderate social democratic type to take root, creating a seemingly never ending debate over the value if any of "third party" progressive organizing. This debate is current, as illustrated by three divergent approaches; independent left electoral politics (Socialist Alternative), organizing within the less conservative of the dominant parties (Progressive Democrats of America), and a social movement focus outside the electoral process (Occupy Movement). The present day examples of alternative Left strategies noted here in passing are but three of many such specific organizational options for progressive politics. This article does not seek to advocate for any one of these options to the exclusion of the others but rather seeks to provide historical perspective.