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The promotion of social protection in Sub-Saharan Africa happens in a context where informal labour markets constitute the norm, and where most workers live uncertain livelihoods with very limited access to official social protection. The dominant social protection agenda and the associated literature come with an almost exclusive focus on donor and state programmes even if their coverage is limited to small parts of the populations – and in no way stands measure to the needs. In these circumstances, people depend on other means of protection and cushioning against risks and vulnerabilities including different forms of collective self-organizing providing alternative forms of social protection. These informal, bottom-up forms of social protection are at a nascent stage of social protection discussions and little is known about the extent or models of these informal mechanisms. This book seeks to fill this gap by focusing on three important sectors of informal work, namely: transport, construction, and micro-trade in Kenya and Tanzania. It explores how the global social protection agenda interacts with informal contexts and how it fits with the actual realities of the informal workers. Consequently, the authors examine and compare the social protection models conceptualized and implemented 'from above' by the public authorities in Tanzania and Kenya with social protection mechanisms 'from below' by the informal workers own collective associations. The book will be of interest to academics in International Development Studies, Political Economy, and African Studies, as well as development practitioners and policy communities.

Adopting a genealogical approach, "The Social Contract of Nations: Peace, Politics and Discipline in the International Society of States" attempts to reveal how the military dream of tranquilization, manifested in international law, informed the formation of the society of states. Tracing the development of modem international law back to its origins as personified by Hugo Grotius, this thesis brings to light the disciplining and tranquilizing function of international law. The regulation of inter­state relations will appear not only as the pursuit of peace as inspired by the legal philosophers of the Enlightenment epoch, but as dreamt of by 'military intelligence' aiming at ordering and pacifying the entire globe. Perpetual Peace, the invention of the Enlightenment, will become the goal of the formation of international organizations, most recently of the United Nations system. Its purpose, however, will appear in a different light; it will not be seen so much as the achievement of liberal insfautionalism, but as the outcome of the military dream of international society, that is, a thoroughly militarized sphere where Peace--the absence of civil disorder-is maintained through the continuous preparation for war. Peace, as a military strategy, and politics more generally, become the 'other means' by which war is continued. This thesis was written by Christoph A. Borucki for the M.A. in International Relations under the supervision of Drs. Ian Douglas, Jean Allain and Mike Lattanzi, and submitted to the Department of Political Science at The American University in Cairo.

This study investigated the influence of individual differences in attributional tendencies on the perception of a rape victim's causal role in her own vicitmization. Respondents'general tendency to attribute cause of events in another person's life to either personal, internal reasons or external, environmental ones was assessed, as were their attitudes to a variety of items on the subject of rape. Factor analysis of the rape questionnaire produced four factors: victim precipitation-responsibility, negative evaluation, sexual motivation, and power motivation. With the victim precipitation-responsibility factor serving as a measure of attributed responsibility, a factorial design was created with sex of subject and attributional propensity serving as independent measures. Males perceived significantly greater precipitation-responsibility on the part of a rape victim than did female respondents. There was also a significant overall trend for attributional orientation with "personals" indicating greater victim responsibility than that expressed by "environmentals." This effect was particularly evident among male subjects, while females did not significantly differ among themselves. Neither attributional nor sex differences were apparent in analyses of the evaluative or motivational factors.

Preliminary Material -- The Development of a Social Infrastructure that Prioritizes an Improvement of the People's Livelihood—2007–2008 General Report: Analysis and Forecast of China's Social Development /Li Peilin and Chen Guangjin -- Income and Consumption Levels of Urban and Rural Residents in China /Lü Qingzhe -- Employment in 2007: Innovative System Reform /Mo Rong -- Report on Social Security Development in China in 2007 /Wang Fayun and Wang Xiaoming -- Advancements in the National Health Insurance Program /Gu Xin -- The Security of Chinese Society in 2007 /Song Erdong and Sun Huilin -- Prevention and Punishment of Corruption in 2007 /Wen Shengtang and Li Yuanze -- Investigation of the Quality of Life in China in 2007 /Yuan Yue and Zhang Hui -- The Beijing Public's Perceptions of Food Safety Risks /Zhao Yandong , Zhang Wenxia and Ma Ying -- 2007–2008 Distribution of Income in China New Movements, New Tendencies, and New Approaches /Yang Yiyong and Gu Yan -- An Analysis of Public Opinion Regarding the Chinese Internet in 2007 /Zhu Huaxin , Hu Jiangchun and Sun Wentao -- 2007: A "Legislation Year for Labor Security" /Qiao Jian -- The Private Business Sector in China: Political Participation in the Development Process /Zhang Houyi -- Primary Security Risks Asociated with the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games /Li Peilin and Wang Junxiu -- Index.

Although there are obvious merits to the consociational argument, including the need to recognize the claims of minorities through power-sharing arrangements, translating theory into practice has generally failed in much of Africa. The reasons for this are many & are by no means reducible to single-factor explanations. Looking at the recent experiments in power sharing in former Belgian Africa, this article offers a comparative assessment of the radically different trajectories followed by Rwanda, Burundi, & the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in their efforts to regulate conflict through consociational formulas. Although Rwanda stands as a textbook example of failed power sharing, & the DRC as a less than successful experiment, Burundi, which comes nearest to institutionalizing the Lijphart model, offers grounds for cautious optimism about the merits of a consociational polity. On the strength of the evidence from Burundi, one might conceivably argue that the key to success lies in the extent to which the technicalities of power sharing tend to approximate the conditions spelled out by Lijphart, notably group autonomy, proportionality, & the minority veto. Closer scrutiny of the cases at hand suggests a somewhat different conclusion. Perhaps even more importantly than the mechanics of power sharing, the socio-political context is what spells the difference between success & failure. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Understanding stakeholder power relations—such as between land sellers, land buyers, and local governments—is crucial to understanding Land Value Capture (LVC). While scholars have focused on stakeholder relationships through approaches such as stakeholder salience, stakeholder interaction, stakeholder value network, and stakeholder multiplicity, much research either places insufficient focus on power or only stresses partial attributes of power. As a result, the role of power relations among key stakeholders in LVC remains insufficiently explored. Our contribution is a new analytical framework for stakeholder power dynamics surrounding LVC. This provides an empirical analysis by comparing the public (China) and the private (U.S.) dominant regimes, through the perspectives of power direction, strength, and mechanism. To conceptualize the three perspectives of power in LVC, we constructed an analytical matrix and then categorized data in terms of stakeholder, space, and time perspectives. Based on empirical findings, four emerging dilemmas shed light on consequences for LVC policy making as well as areas in need of further research

Policy makers in migrant-receiving countries must often strike a delicate balance between economic needs, that would dictate a substantial increase in the number of foreign workers, and political and electoral imperatives, that typically result in highly restrictive immigration policies. Promoting integration of migrants into the host country would go a long way in alleviating the trade off between economic and political considerations. While there is a large literature on the economic assimilation of immigrants, somewhat less attention has been devoted to other - and equally crucial - dimensions of migrants' integration, namely the process of social assimilation. The aim of this paper is to take a close look at migrants' social integration into the host country. We rely on the European Community Household panel (ECHP), which devotes a full module to the role and relevance of social relations for both migrants and natives. An innovative feature of this analysis is that it relies on migrants perceptions about their integration rather than as is typically the case in most opinion surveys on natives attitudes toward migrants. The main results of the paper can be summarized as follows. First, migrants particularly from non EU origins - are at a disadvantage in the fields of social relations. Even after controlling for their individual characteristics, such as age, education, family size, and employment status, they tend to socialize less than natives. Second, migrants tend to converge, albeit quite slowly, to the standard of natives. This finding highlights the risks of short term migration, where migrants tend to be constantly marginalized. Third, education has a significant impact on the type of social activities that individuals undertake. More educated people tend to relate somewhat less with their close neighbourhood, but quite intensively with the broader community. The implication for policy makers concerned about the creation of ethnic enclaves is to promote education among immigrants' community.