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This article explores how realism in political theory can inform our understanding of political corruption. Whereas political moralists see corruption as a problem of implementation, which does not undermine their values, realists see corruption as posing a more fundamental problem, challenging the very nature of politics and undermining the attempt to establish and exercise authority in the ordering of conflict and the allocation of resources. Recent realist work has sought to characterize a discrete type of "institutional" corruption, and to construct political corruption as the antithesis of good governance or impartiality. Other work has focused on the micro level, drawing on new insights from psychology and experimental economics to analyze individual decisions and motivations to behave corruptly. This article challenges scholars to build future research upon a richer understanding of the realities of political life that are intrinsic to both individual and institutional patterns of corruption.

This article explores how realism in political theory can inform our understanding of political corruption. Whereas political moralists see corruption as a problem of implementation, which does not undermine their values, realists see corruption as posing a more fundamental problem, challenging the very nature of politics and undermining the attempt to establish and exercise authority in the ordering of conflict and the allocation of resources. Recent realist work has sought to characterize a discrete type of 'institutional' corruption, and to construct political corruption as the antithesis of good governance or impartiality. Other work has focused on the micro level, drawing on new insights from psychology and experimental economics to analyze individual decisions and motivations to behave corruptly. This article challenges scholars to build future research upon a richer understanding of the realities of political life that are intrinsic to both individual and institutional patterns of corruption. Adapted from the source document.

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Since the language of political inquiry seems to be inescapably metaphorical, the question necessarily arises as to how metaphors of various types, including models, enter into the composition and expression of political knowledge. The solutions that have been most influential in contemporary political science can be called the verificationist and constitutivist views of political metaphor. While both views contain important elements of truth, there are fundamental difficulties in each that require the search for a more satisfactory view. An alternative view of metaphor and political knowledge is developed by reference to four main problems: Why is political speech metaphorical? How do metaphors make political things manifest? How are political metaphors tested? and Are metaphors indispensable to political expression and political knowledge?

Recent political theory has shifted decidedly towards ontology, the 'science of being', and thus towards examining fundamental concepts of identity, difference, space, and time. This new focus has reinvigorated questions concerning the nature of power, meaning, truth and agency, inspiring novel approaches to individual and collective subjectivity, the emergence of political events and the relationship between desire and politics. In this new study, Nathan Widder shows how Deleuze's philosophy both inspires and presses beyond political theory's 'ontological turn'. Linking his thought to current political theory debates, Widder explains how Deleuze's philosophy and ontology of difference are cashed out through a micropolitics of creative and critical experimentation. He further demonstrates how Deleuze challenges ideas of identity and the subject that still dominate both political thought and practice today. Connecting Deleuze to key figures in both classical and contemporary political philosophy, from Plato and Aristotle to Hegel, Nietzsche, Lacan, and Foucault, this book will be of interest to students and scholars in political theory, philosophy, and related disciplines, looking to engage the emerging field of Deleuze studies.

The article is a reconstruction of the most important strands in the historiography devoted to the political activity of the laity after 1945, especially the period between 1945 and 1948. The author first discusses pre-1989 literature and then the most recent studies devoted to political Catholicism in Poland. In the main part of the article he presents three strands in historiography: research into the Labour Party, research into groups associated with Catholic socio-political weeklies, and biographies and syntheses of the history of the Catholics and the Church.

The article is a reconstruction of the most important strands in the historiography devoted to the political activity of the laity after 1945, especially the period between 1945 and 1948. The author first discusses pre-1989 literature and then the most recent studies devoted to political Catholicism in Poland. In the main part of the article he presents three strands in historiography: research into the Labour Party, research into groups associated with Catholic socio-political weeklies, and biographies and syntheses of the history of the Catholics and the Church.

The purpose of this study is to investigate whether online political participation can predict the strengthening of offline political participation by using privacy concerns as an instrumental variable. Accordingly, the 2SLS analysis was applied using the Korea Media Panel Survey data of 2016 conducted by the Korea Information Society Development Institute (KISDI). As a result, age and ideological inclination were found to be more important factors in offline political participation than by socioeconomic status. In addition, the use of an instrumental variable to control the direction of causality indicates that online political participation reinforces offline political participation. As a result of habituated daily online activities, it is suggested that a new participatory group, especially low socioeconomic strata, may be mobilized due to the influence of online political participation. This research eliminating the possibility of two-way causality between online and offline political participation is meaningful in finding that online participation activities can reinforce offline political participation and that it is possible to mobilize the groups that were alienated from offline political participation.