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Utilizing newspapers, journals and pamphlets, this thesis examines the ways that the Black Power movement, primarily in the 1960's connected with East Asian countries. Differentiating between the Black Power and the Civil Rights groups, this thesis will show why and how the Black Power movement needed international allies such as China and Vietnam. Showing that the connection between the East Asia and Black Power groups was due to racism, imperialism, and Maoism, I argue that Black Power individuals/groups were influenced by East Asia and saw these countries as a blueprint for revolution in America. This thesis also analyzes the significance of this connection amidst the Cold War and the Soviet-Sino split. Furthermore, this thesis will prove that without the connection to East Asia, the Black Power movement would not have been as successful as it was.

Mit der UN-Konvention über die Rechte von Menschen mit Behinderung erlebt der gemeinsame Unterricht von Kindern und Jugendlichen mit und ohne Behinderung heute eine Renaissance. Nationale und internationale Erfahrungen zeigen, dass gemeinsamer Unterricht für Schülerinnen und Schüler mit Behinderung möglich ist. Doch wie lässt sich ein Schulsystem gestalten, in dem Kinder und Jugendliche mit und ohne Behinderung gemeinsam lernen? In diesem Buch wird der Frage nach Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten und Einflussfaktoren auf das Gelingen des gemeinsamen Unterrichts nachgegangen, indem der Blick speziell auf die Bedürfnisse von Kindern und Jugendlichen mit Körperbehinderung gerichtet wird. Die Anpassung des Schulsystems scheint hier besonders einfach durch eine rollstuhlgerechte Gestaltung möglich zu sein, jedoch deuten die vorhandenen empirischen Arbeiten auf einen umfassenden Anpassungsbedarf hin, der über architektonische Veränderungen hinausgeht und Aspekte der Kooperation mit Schulbegleitern, Eltern und Therapeuten, den Einsatz von Hilfsmitteln sowie Veränderungen der Lehrerrolle betrifft. Mit der vorliegenden Arbeit werden erstmals die Befunde von mehr als 80 wissenschaftlichen Studien der letzten 40 Jahre aus dem In- und Ausland zusammengetragen und systematisch mit Blick auf schülerbezogene Entwicklungen und Erfahrungen im persönlichen, sozialen, leistungsbezogenen und rehabilitativen Bereich beschrieben sowie Anpassungen der Schul- und Unterrichtsorganisation dargestellt. Auch werden praxisnahe Empfehlungen abgeleitet, wie effektiver gemeinsamer Unterricht für Schülerinnen und Schüler mit Körperbehinderung gestaltet werden kann. Biographische Informationen Christian Walter-Klose, geb. 1972 in Westfalen, ist seit 2000 im Bereich der Heil- und Sonderpädagogik als Diplom-Psychologe tätig. In verschiedenen pädagogischen Kontexten arbeitete er als

Much has been said about the failing policies of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In this essay, I attempt to explain why the IMF has pursued policies that in many cases not only failed to promote the stated objectives of enhancing growth and stability, but were probably counterproductive and even flew in the face of a considerable body of theoretical and empirical work that suggested these policies would be counterproductive. I argue that the root of the problem lies in the IMF's system of governance. Thereafter, I discuss how the World Bank managed to reform its agenda in order to fulfill its goals of poverty reduction more successfully, and what lessons this reform holds for the IMF. I conclude by proposing needed reforms for the IMF that might mitigate some of the problems it has encountered in the past.

India?s new and contested status as a nuclear power, the scale of her arms purchases, her investment in missile technology and the huge deployment of ground troops on the western front against Pakistan are issues of immediate concern to her South Asian neighbours. Since tension feeds on tension, war in Afghanistan, terrorist attacks in Kolkata, Delhi, Jammu and Srinagar, mounting tension between India and Pakistan over the issue of cross-border terrorism in Kashmir and the recent threat by General Pervez Musharraf to consider the first strike option as part of Pakistan?s strategic response to Indian mobilisation have contributed to the seriousness of the situation. The probability of the regional conflict escalating into large scale nuclear war, or weapons of mass destruction finding their way into the hands of non-state actors, have drawn world attention to South Asia, which has had visits in quick succession by political leaders and military delegations from the United States, UK, Germany, France, China and Russia. The paper, focused on India?s capacities, perceptions and institutional arrangements for the management of security, seeks to evaluate the significance of her status as an ?emerging? power for the security environment in Asia, and its implication for the international system. It analyses the main objective both empirically, and theoretically. The empirical aspect concerns the measurement of India?s economic and military resources according to the conventional indicators of power. These facts, based on experts? accounts, are supplemented by political and institutional factors which are significant for the estimation of the power of a country. In addition, the analysis seeks to juxtapose the views of observers and actors, and locate the strategic perception of the Indian voter, an important factor in her political landscape in view of her active democratic process. These factors of contemporary politics are to be seen in the larger context of India?s political and security culture, history, the structure of the political system. The issue of contextualisation needs to be understood in terms of its methodological implication at the outset, because, while all states are members of the international system, the use to which they put international politics varies from one context to another. Western nation states, products of a long process of nation building, industrialisation and state-formation, seek the promotion of national interest through their strategic initiatives. Post-colonial state-nations, engaged in the process of nation-creation, are more complex in their rhetoric. For these actors, international politics, in addition to being used as an instrument of national interest, also plays a symbolic role in the building of a national profile. The paper seeks to combine both the material and symbolic aspects of Indian policy in the concept of a security doctrine, one that can bring potential power into an effective focus, in the absence of which mere appurtenances of power like guns and ships are just that and not much more. Since the stability of the doctrine, in addition to its coherence is an important parameter of the significance of Indian power, the paper also takes into account the problems of implementation as well. Though there is considerable force to the argument that South Asian security is crucially contingent on the India-China-Pakistan triangle, India remains the biggest power in South Asia, and her significance, in terms of how India sees herself and how others see her, is a key consideration for regional politics. The need for a sophisticated methodological analysis arises paradoxically from the fact that India is a democratic state and an open society, both of which give a false sense of visibility to India?s security profile. Foreign observers, depending on their own national origin and the context, place their bets on predictions of India?s next move either as the ?regional bully? or the ?regional push-over?, and India, Janus-like, often proves both speculations to be right, appearing in the process to be either mystical-moral, or utterly devoid of principle or doctrine. The paper is in three parts. The first examines the state of play by ranking India with reference to her strategic resource endowments. The second part examines India?s strategic doctrine and the organigram of security, and evaluates her potential power in the light of her doctrine. The third part makes a prognosis of the challenging path ahead for India with reference to the unsolved problems concerning her national security. The conclusion reconsiders the main issue posed in the introduction in the light of the analysis undertaken here.

This review essay evaluates the evolution of the Hungarian journal of social history, Korall társadalomtörténeti folyóirat (Coral: A journal of social history), founded in 1999 as a new forum of social history research. Korall promoted two distinct understandings of social history, stated only implicitly in the first years of the journal, but later elaborated more explicitely by the editors, as core definitions of their research programme. A first, narrow acceptation places social history within the field of (historical) sociology and favours structural approaches and concepts specific to the social sciences rather than the actual historical context. A second definition is wider, including a variety of topics such as environmental history, cultural history, economic, and demographic history, being meant to function as a powerful counter-discourse against positivistic, traditional and political-orientated history, still dominant in contemporary Hungarian historiography. Based on a combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis, the review essay argues that, during its eight years of existance to date, Korall has undergone a process of internationalization. Although most articles published in the journal continue to focus on topics pertaining to the history of Hungary—especially during the "dualist period," 1867-1918—references to international events, authors, and theories have lately acquired a greater importance.

This article describes the main characteristics of international cooperation in the Baltic Sea Region (BSR) within the framework of the EU macroregional strategy. The analysis of the key directions, structure, and the Strategy implementation mechanisms demonstrates its experimental and innovative nature. At the same time, the authors identify problems and contradictions in the very idea of the Strategy, as well as its actual implementation in intergovernmental relations of the BSR countries. The main factor hampering the Strategy activities is ignoring the key role of Russia the BSR. At the same time, Russia and some non-BSR countries are already members of all significant BSR cooperation instruments. Therefore, there is a need to supplement the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region with the Northern Dimension project. The innovative nature of macroregional cooperation in the Baltic Sea region is manifested in interpreting the region as an indivisible whole rather than an administrative unite serving as a pla tform for various cooperation programmes implemented in its different parts. From this point of view, the Strategy for the Baltic Sea region, apparently inspired by "rational functionalism", can assign a new meaning to the concept of the region.

By analysing the involvement of the International Criminal Court in northern Uganda and Darfur, this book argues that the primary mandate of the ICC seems to have unduly shifted from fighting impunity to influencing politics in the context of ongoing armed conflicts.

As the progress of globalization and internationalization, higher education has also entered into the stage of globalizing. Global student mobility, as one of the most obvious representatives of the globalization of higher education, has earned international awareness and attention as a wide spread social issue all over the world. China, as a pioneer to promote the progress of globalization, has become world's largest student exporting country. It is owning to the fact that with the fast advancement of social and economical condition in China, the rising income level of middle class families has boosted the desire for Chinese students to pursuit perceived better education overseas. However, one of the most serious unexpected outcomes caused by this trend of studying overseas is the issue of brain drain, since large number of Chinese overseas students never came back after graduation. Yet, with the fluctuation of the world economical situation, the growth of China's economical and political power is attracting more and more Chinese overseas graduates back to work. Hence, it is necessary to analyze the factors that influence Chinese students' behavior of 'going out' and 'coming back', which is also the theme of this paper. Specifically, both of the push and pull factors that caused Chinese international students' decisions of coming back home after graduation will be discussed. ; published_or_final_version ; Education ; Master ; Master of Education