Suchergebnisse

9

Since the rise and fall of the militant Islamist movement in Somalia, an array of actors have intervened in Somalia with disparate aims and implications in terms of the post-transition period (August 2012 up to the present). Both regional states (Ethiopia and Kenya) and organizations (IGAD and AU) have contributed to the international re-engagement with Somalia, the most notable being the Africa Union Mission for Somalia (AMISOM since 2007). Al-shabaab, among other insurgent movements, continues to forcefully resist external-led interventions aimed at rebuilding the Somali state. Outside the region, the European Union has been particularly involved in providing support to state-building efforts with a focus on the security sector, especially the maritime dimension of security (through EUNAVFOR ATALANTA and EUCAP Nestor since July 2012) and the creation of security forces (through EUTM Somalia). This paper contributes to the debate on the interplay between insurgency, externally led state-building efforts and the particular domestic dynamics and how these contribute to or undermine the state reconstruction process. ; FCT - Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia

"Chinas wachsendes Engagement auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent scheint eine ernsthafte Herausforderung an die etablierte Geber-Gemeinschaft darzustellen. Ein Wettbewerb zwischen dem so genannten Beijing-Consensus und dem Post-Washington-Consensus könnte regionale und internationale Bemühungen um Unterstützung einer Reformagenda im Hinblick auf die Entwicklung von Marktwirtschaft und liberaler Demokratie in Afrika untermininieren und auf diese Weise die regionale Instabilität befördern. Da die meisten Empfehlungen für eine Strategie der Einbindung gegenüber China im Hinblick auf die wirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten des Landes in Afrika kein klares Verständnis der Motive aufweisen, die China zum Beitritt zu einem derartigen internationalen Regime bewegen könnten, analysiert dieser Aufsatz Chinas vergangenes Verhalten in anderen internationalen Regimen. Die Studie empfiehlt, internationalen Druck mit pragmatischer Hilfe zu kombinieren, um so Chinas Kosten-Nutzen-Analyse zu beeinflussen. Ein strukturierter Ansatz könnte pragmatische Erfahrungen im Feld, informelle und formelle Gespräche sowie eine institutionelle Struktur bieten, die chinesische Interessen berücksichtigen würde. Auf diese Weise würde Beijing allmählich mit dem internationalen Geber-Regime unter Zuhilfenahme von praktischem Lernen und der Sozialisation in kleinen Gruppen vertraut gemacht." (Autorenreferat)

On the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances (Budapest Memorandum), we face a game-changing, challenging moment right now with Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which extends beyond the nuclear area. The invasion is, in my view, a challenge to the UN Charter and the entire post-World War system of international law. With respect to the Budapest Memorandum, that is obviously a very topical issue at the moment. I would like to first emphasize the context. The Memorandum was first negotiated in 1994, three years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, during a period that was not quite as settled as we have now. The Memorandum was part of the context in which Ukraine became a non-nuclear party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the undertakings there are serious. The undertakings in the Budapest Memorandum are reaffirmations of the still binding commitments to international law under the UN Charter. Therefore, the non-use of force—the prohibition on the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or independence of Ukraine—is reaffirmed in the Budapest Memorandum, but that is contingent on the UN Charter. The Memorandum consequently remains binding on Russia. Similarly, principles in the Helsinki Final Accords are reaffirmed in the Budapest Memorandum and Russia is violating those, including Ukraine's right to choose its own destiny and choose its own alliances. So, yes, Russia's aggression against Ukraine is a blow against the structure of international security that was created in the wake of the Cold War.

ElBaradei discusses the role of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections, the various obstacles encountered, & how to surmount them. The issue of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq is addressed; ElBaradei was not surprised that they found no evidence of reconstituted programs, but maintains that Iraq initially did not behave as a nation with nothing to hide, lacking transparency & cooperation, until Jan/Feb 2003. He also comments on IAEA's limited access in Iraq following the fall of the regime. Attention turns to Iran; the obligations placed on it by the IAEA; & reports of technology supplied to Iran by Russia, the People's Republic of China, & Pakistan. ElBaradei then speaks on North Korea's behavior since 1993, the multilateral approach to negotiations, & what might be done to prevent such a crisis from recurring. In addition, he addresses efforts to stem proliferation, including the Proliferation Security Initiative; whether the behavior of North Korea, Iran, & Iraq is linked to Bush's "axis of evil" speech; & his call to restrict production of new nuclear materials for reprocessing & enrichment to multinationally controlled facilities. J. Zendejas

The international experience in standardizing the implementation of e-democracy is studied. Thanks to a set of methodological approaches (synergistic, complex, humanistic) and methods of scientific knowledge of social phenomena and processes se identify the prospects for the introduction of direct e-democracy in modern Ukraine and propose priority measures for the implementation of state policy in the field of training and development of e-democracy, based on modern management technologies. It is concluded that, as a form of realization of rights, e-democracy should be considered as an alternative to traditionally recognized methods and practices of law enforcement, and the purpose of its implementation is to promote the expansion of opportunities for the realization of citizens' rights. It also emphasizes that the idea of digitalization of the state must be balanced with the awareness of the practical usefulness of the model, its instrumental importance for the achievement of sustainable development goals and its progress, considering existing and potential risks.