Suchergebnisse

Although the number of studies of new political parties is gradually increasing, we still lack a comprehensive understanding of when new parties manage to enter national parliaments. The objective of this article is to explain the circumstances under which new parties enter national parliaments for the first time. Unlike earlier research, this study does not focus on individual party families. Instead, generally applicable explanations are sought. This is achieved through an examination of the importance of the political opportunity structure, that is, the external environment new parties face in their quest for parliamentary representation. Using data collected for 18 Western European countries for the period 1960-2010, the analysis shows that institutional factors are important to understand new party parliamentary entry. The sociological factors analysed in the study, however, do not seem to be of equal importance.

Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Black and white new yorkers -- End of the harlem welcome -- From eviction to containment : the restrictive covenant movement -- The battle for church properties -- African american youth -- Real estate and politics -- The growth of property ownership -- Conclusion -- Bibliography.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. In 'Japanese Women and Sport', Robin Kietlinski sets out to problematize the hegemonic image of the delicate Japanese woman, highlighting an overlooked area in the history of modern Japan. Previous studies of gender in the Japanese context do not explore the history of female participation in sport, and recent academic studies of women and sport tend to focus on Western countries. Kietlinski locates the discussion of Japanese women in sport within a larger East Asian context and considers the socio-economic position and history of modern Japan. Reaching from the early 20th century to the present day, Kietlinski traces the progression of Japanese women's participation in sport from the first female school for physical education and the foundations of competitive sport through to their growing presence in the Olympics and international sport.

Lee Kam Hing ; Lee Kyung-chan: Southeast Asia and Korea in historical perspective. The case of Malaysia-South Korea relations. - S. 1-23. Go, Stella P.: Labour migration to South Korea. The case of Philippine workers. - S. 24-48. Suh Dong-Chon: Trade and financial liberalization in South Korea and implications for Southeast Asia. - S. 49-79. Jong Kil Kim: South Korea-China economic relations and implications for Southeast Asia. - S. 80-122. Baik Nam Sung: Labour policy and industrial relations in South Korea. - S. 123-136. Lee Kyubang: South Korean construction industry in Southeast Asia. - S. 137-156. Poapongsakorn, Nipon ; Wongwareethip, Wijit: South Korean tourism in Southeast Asia. A case study of Thailand. - 157-195. Nguyen Gia Hao: Vietnam's labour policies toward foreign firms. The case of South Korean firms in Vietnam. - S. 196-210

The article is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of the functioning of Buddhist and neo- Buddhist movements in the conditions of the war in Ukraine. It is noted that the modernization of Ukrainian culture, which is accompanied by the development of post-secular trends, manifests itself not only in the revival and transformation of religious beliefs traditional for our people, but also in the spread of non-traditional and neo-religious teachings and movements, among which Buddhism and Neo-Buddhism occupy a special place. The revival of Buddhism in Ukraine in the 90s of the last century took place mainly with the mediation of Russia. In the situation that developed at that time, Buddhism acted as a kind of "agent" of Russian cultural expansion. In the conditions of the war against rashism, it largely became independent from Russian influence. Among the most striking manifestations of Buddhism in Ukraine is the sangha of the Mahayanist direction of the Nipponzan Myōhōji Order, whose representatives have suffered from racist aggression since 2014 and until today. As a result of the occupation by Russian terrorists of parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, neo-religious groups, including Buddhists, were displaced from these territories. Seeking refuge, Ukrainian Buddhists were directly faced with the need to form a clear position in relation to Russia's military invasion of Ukraine, not hiding behind the general Buddhist notion of the absurdity of any war as a way to resolve conflicts. During the analysis, it was also established that under the influence of transformational processes in Western European Buddhism, domestic Buddhism is being modernized. In Ukraine, neo-Buddhist practices are identified with such directions and schools as Karma Kagyu, Zen Buddhism, Nittiren, White Lotus, as well as with Protestant and cyber Buddhism. Within the boundaries of neo-Buddhist teachings, the problem of Russia's aggressive war of aggression against Ukraine is discussed sporadically, but it is already possible to distinguish certain trends in the understanding and interpretation of its essence and the preference for a negative assessment of the moral component of rashist aggression, which certainly indicates positive shifts in the ideas of domestic followers of the doctrine and hope on the useful application of Buddhist methods and practices to improve the spiritual and psychological state of the Ukrainian community, as well as on the further development of antitotalitarian tendencies and tolerance towards non-traditional religious phenomena in its environment.

"Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor offers a ... chronicle of the twilight of redlining and the introduction of conventional real estate practices into the Black urban market, uncovering a transition from racist exclusion to predatory inclusion. Widespread access to mortgages across the United States after World War II cemented homeownership as fundamental to conceptions of citizenship and belonging. African Americans had long faced racist obstacles to homeownership, but the social upheaval of the 1960s forced federal government reforms. In the 1970s, new housing policies encouraged African Americans to become homeowners, and these programs generated unprecedented real estate sales in Black urban communities. However, inclusion in the world of urban real estate was fraught with new problems. As new housing policies came into effect, the real estate industry abandoned its aversion to African Americans, especially Black women, precisely because they were more likely to fail to keep up their home payments and slip into foreclosure"--

"After serving in World War II, John Glanton returned home to Minnesota and began taking his camera around the streets, parks, clubs, restaurants, and private homes of Minneapolis, capturing the sights and scenes of everyday life for African Americans in the city. The images--from intimate portraits to public gatherings--reveal a dynamic and diverse community at a time when the nation was entering the postwar boom but before the civil rights movement had taken root. Glanton's photos offer a rare look into the lives and lifestyles of families and individuals often left out of histories of Minnesota's past, showing people at work and play, young and old, happy and sad. The images highlight black-owned businesses of the day, the music and club scene, and weddings and other family occasions to depict the experiences of African American people as presented through the lens of an African American photographer"--

Brazil was the American society that received the largest contingent of African slaves in the Americas and the longest lasting slave regime in the Western Hemisphere. This is the first complete modern survey of the institution of slavery in Brazil and how it affected the lives of enslaved Africans. It is based on major new research on the institution of slavery and the role of Africans and their descendants in Brazil. Although Brazilians have incorporated many of the North American debates about slavery, they have also developed a new set of questions about slave holding: the nature of marriage, family, religion, and culture among the slaves and free colored; the process of manumission; and the rise of the free colored class during slavery. It is the aim of this book to introduce the reader to this latest research, both to elucidate the Brazilian experience and to provide a basis for comparisons with all other American slave systems

We compare African-American and White clients receiving services at 13 rural and semi-rural community mental health agencies (CMHAs) and the impact of Medicaid on the use of crisis and outpatient services. SEM was utilized to model the indirect effect of crisis services between the association of Medicaid and total hours of outpatient services. We modeled the moderating effects of race using mixture modeling and latent class. The base model showed a non-significant indirect effect between having Medicaid and total hours of services through the use of crisis services (Indirect effect = 0.01, p = .98). African-American clients who received Medicaid were more likely to use crisis services ([Formula: see text], which was associated with increased hours of outpatient services ([Formula: see text]. In general, Medicaid was not related to increase service or crisis service usage. However, African-American clients access crisis services significantly more than White clients.

After the Civil War, congressional Republicans used sweeping powers to expand and enforce civil rights for African Americans. Though the electoral benefits of African American suffrage were clear, Republicans had to overcome party divisions and racist voters. This paper argues that the war imbued Northern veterans with the belief that true victory required renewing the Union by abolishing slavery and establishing (imperfect) legal equality. This made veterans more receptive to Radical Reconstruction and ignited activism for it from below. Using difference-in-differences, I show that greater enlistment increased Republican vote share, particularly in pivotal postwar elections. Moreover, "as-if" random exposure to combat deaths increased Republican partisanship among soldiers after the war. Finally, I show that veterans became more likely to vote for African American suffrage. The paper concludes that Union veterans, through their votes and their activism, were a decisive part of the white coalition that backed America's "Second Revolution."

AbstractIn the early months of 2020, news spread that a coronavirus (COVID‐19) had been detected in Wuhan, China. The virus quickly spread across the country and to other continents. As deaths mounted in the United States, evidence indicated that some states experienced a higher rate of COVID‐19 deaths than other states and that African American communities were hit harder by the virus than other racial groups. Hence, we pose two questions in this research: Are COVID‐19 deaths spread equally across different states and regions of the United States? Secondly, are African Americans more likely to die from COVID‐19 than other racial groups? Using data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and APM Research Lab, we show that some states witnessed significant loss of life due to the virus and that African Americans were more likely to die from the virus when compared with White residents.

Depictions of school choice offering greater individual and local autonomy are widespread, yet they sit uneasily with portrayals of such policies within African-American political discourse. This article analyses the ways in which opposition to publicly funded private school vouchers has been used as a cue to signal solidaristic ties to the African-American electorate. School choice is highly racialized. Black politicians have been known to campaign against school choice policies by presenting them as tools of White outsiders to break up and divide the Black community. Although opinion polls have indicated that a majority of African-American voters support education vouchers, in a campaign context school choice policies can be framed through the prisms of racial authenticity and community control. Using data drawn from interviews with political operatives and archival research in Newark, New Jersey, this article demonstrates that school choice can paradoxically be rendered as a policy of community disempowerment.

This paper considers the potential of regional human rights institutions in the global South – including the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights – to exercise atrocity prevention functions. Specifically, it considers the possibilities and limits of their institutions and activities in contributing to early warning, direct prevention, and 'root cause' prevention, finding that much potential exists for the Inter-American and African Commission to make tangible contributions to prevention, broadly conceived, but that there remain important gaps between mandate and actual practices. The asean Commission lags significantly behind the others because of the Southeast Asian grouping's continued commitment to non-interference. Despite this fact, asean norms and institutions are ever-evolving – even if slowly – and so opportunities may arise for the creation of prevention-relevant mandates and mechanisms that mirror those already embedded in the Inter-American and African systems.