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Provides an overview of German politics in 1999, highlighting election results & prominent issues. 3 Tables, 3 References.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1: Europe in Decline (But Not Yet Finished) -- Europe-Th e Years Ahead -- Better Fifty Years of Europe than a Cycle of Cathay (Locksley Hall) -- No Abyss, No Apocalypse -- Islamic Fascism, Islamophobia, Anti-Semitism: A Postscript -- Lessons from Oslo -- The Refugees are Coming -- Muslims in Europe -- "An Anxious Continent" Spiegel Interview, July 26, 2013 -- Chapter 2: Jews in the Twentieth Century -- Degenerate Art and the Jewish Grandmother -- The Terrible Secret: A Second Look -- Love in the Shadow of Death -- The Scholems -- On Russian Jewry Today -- Timothy Snyder: Th e Newton of the Holocaust? -- The Walter Benjamin Brigade -- Hitler's Jews: Max von Oppenheim and the Myth of German Jewish Guilt -- Oppenheim Biographer Lionel Gossman Responds to Walter Laqueur's Review -- Chapter 3: Russia after the Soviet Union -- Détente Plus? How Should the West Deal with Russia? -- The Russian Enigma: Is the Bear Turning East? -- Anti-Semitism and the New Russian Idea -- Confabulation? -- Russian Nationalism: Going Back to the Roots -- The Russian Party under the Soviets -- Central Asia-Toward 2050 -- Toward a New Russian Ideology -- Author's Postscript -- Chapter 4: Observations -- Cyber Warfare -- Nazi Germany: Secret Reports? -- Who Needs Geography? -- Luethy and Brecht: Martyrdom in Hollywood -- Megaloglossa -- Old Age -- A Historical Education: A Wanderer between Several Worlds -- Notes -- Bibliography

AbstractIn 1962, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) faced an uncertain future. The governing party within the Federal Republic of Germany since the state's founding in 1949 (along with its Bavarian partner, the Christian Social Union, known collectively as the CDU/CSU or Union), the CDU had endured a bruising election campaign through the summer of 1961. The combination of a dynamic young Social Democratic challenger, Willy Brandt, and the building of the Berlin Wall had exposed frustration with the leadership style of octogenarian Chancellor and CDU Chair Konrad Adenauer, and cost the Union its absolute majority in the Bundestag. Electoral disappointment was followed by protracted coalition negotiations with the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP), which nearly doubled its vote totals by promising voters a coalition "with the Union but without Adenauer." The coalition negotiations dragged on well into late autumn and exposed internal divisions. Adenauer, the only chancellor the Federal Republic had ever known, had been forced to agree to retire before 1965 to allow his successor to prepare for the next campaign.

This hugely successful history of political and economic integration in Western Europe since the Second World War -- and especially, but by no means exclusively, the European Community itself -- was first published in 1991, to general acclaim. Since then much turbulent water has flowed under the bridges of Maastricht and Strasbourg. Now, in this welcome Second Edition, Derek Urwin has brought the story fully up to date, with an account of developments since 1991 and an assessment of the mood and prospects of Europe and the Community today

"Anti-Fascism and Ethnic Minorities explores how, and to what extent, fascist ultranationalism elicited an anti-fascist response among ethnic minority communities in Eastern and Central Europe. The edited volume analyses how identities related to class, ethnicity, gender and political ideologies were negotiated within and between minorities through confrontations with domestic and international fascism. By developing and expanding the study of Jewish anti-fascism and resistance to other minority responses, the book opens the field of anti-fascism studies for a broader comparative approach. The volume is thematically located in Central and Eastern Europe, cutting right across the continent from Finland in the North to Albania in the Southeast. The case studies in the fourteen research chapters are divided into five thematic sections, dealing with the issues of 1) minorities in borderlands and cross-border antifascism, 2) minorities navigating the ideological squeeze between communism and fascism, 3) the role of intellectuals in the defence of minority rights, 4) the anti-fascist resistance against fascist and Nazi occupation during World War II, as well as 5) the conflictual role ascribed to ethnicity in post-war memory politics and commemorations. The editors describe their intersectional approach to the analysis of ethnicity as a crucial category of analysis with regard to anti-fascist histories and memories. The book offers scholars and students valuable historical and comparative perspectives on minority studies, Jewish studies, borderland studies, and memory studies. It will appeal to those with an interest in the history of race and racism, fascism and anti-fascism, and Central and Eastern Europe"--

The shtetl was home to two-thirds of East Europe's Jews in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, yet it has long been one of the most neglected and misunderstood chapters of the Jewish experience. This book provides the first grassroots social, economic, and cultural history of the shtetl. Challenging popular misconceptions of the shtetl as an isolated, ramshackle Jewish village stricken by poverty and pogroms, Yohanan Petrovsky-Shtern argues that, in its heyday from the 1790s to the 1840s, the shtetl was a thriving Jewish community as vibrant as any in Europe. Petrovsky-Shtern brings thi

The history of communist rule is long and varied. Communism as a ruling system emphasizes on economy and balanced distribution of wealth and ownership of property among all the people. This system originated from the ideology of Karl Marx in 1845. Communist system in Eastern Europe was fostered by Soviet Union after the fall of Nazism at the end of World War II. This paper focuses on how the Eastern European states fell under the influence of Communist after World War II. It discusses how salami tactics were used by Soviet Union as one the methods to establish communist government in Eastern Europe. It also shows that Soviet Union's position as a super power in Eastern Europe enabled her to spread communist ideology in the region.

"Labor regimes under communism in East-Central Europe were complex, shifting and ambiguous. This collection of sixteen essays offers new conceptual and empirical ways to understand their history from the end of the Second World War to 1989, and to think about how their experiences relate to debates about labor history, both European and global. The authors reconsider the history of state socialism by reexamining the policies and problems of communist regimes and recuperating the voices of the workers who built them. The contributors look at work and workers in Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Yugoslavia. They explore the often contentious relationship between politics and labor policy, dealing with diverse topics including workers' safety and risks; labor rights, and protests; working women's politics and professions; migrant workers and social welfare; attempts to control workers' behavior and stem unemployment; and cases of incomplete, compromised or even abandoned processes of proletarianization. Workers are presented as active agents in resisting and supporting changes in labor policies, in choosing allegiances, and in defining the very nature of work"--

In 2003, Iraq war opposition & neoliberal economic & welfare reforms were key issues in German politics. The conflict over the metalworker union leadership, the suicide of disgraced former Vice-Chancellor Jurgen Mollemann, President Johannes Rau's decision not to seek election in 2004, & steps toward a nonnuclear future also figured highly in the political scene. 2 Tables, 8 References. J. Zendejas

Abstract: During the past fifty years, economic historians trained in economics have turned Max Weber into a champion of the cultural foundations of economic growth that he was not. The article examines the reasons and consequences of this misappropriation. It begins by highlighting Weber's aversion to monocausal explanations and identifies two lines of argument in his voluminous writings on the historical development of Western capitalism: one stressing religious values and one focusing on political and legal institutions. While Weber never fully reconciled these two lines of argument, he considered them complementary rather than mutually exclusive. The article continues by tracing the engagement (or lack thereof) with Weber in the work of Douglass C. North and in a recent flurry of papers on the "economics of religion" that ostensibly tests the empirical validity of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905). It then discusses the return of interest in the coevolution of cultural and institutional processes of change among some economists and political scientists. Throughout, the article signals how this reception history went hand in hand with a decline in exchanges between economists and scholars in other disciplines. Ultimately, it argues for the importance of incorporating the history of disciplines in our disciplinary practices. More specifically, it stresses the continued relevance of Weber's research agenda for the comparative and historical study of capitalisms (in the plural), in spite of the fact that many of his conclusions appear now outdated.