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aim of this article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena. The researchmethodology is based on Leopold von Ranke's and John Tosh's principles of historical study, Pitirim Sorokin's and Oskar Jaszi's revolution theories, Max Weber's theory of state power, as well as theories of international relations, etc. The scientific novelty of this articleis the analysis of the phenomena of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution against the background of the dissolution of the Empires and change of the international order after the First World War. TheConclusions.The monarchist counter-revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania). The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest-Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies' pressure. So the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system). ; The aim of this article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena. The researchmethodology is based on Leopold von Ranke's and John Tosh's principles of historical study, Pitirim Sorokin's and Oskar Jaszi's revolution theories, Max Weber's theory of state power, as well as theories of international relations, etc. The scientific novelty of this articleis the analysis of the phenomena of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution against the background of the dissolution of the Empires and change of the international order after the First World War. TheConclusions.The monarchist counter-revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania). The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest-Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies' pressure. So the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system).

aim of this article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena. The researchmethodology is based on Leopold von Ranke's and John Tosh's principles of historical study, Pitirim Sorokin's and Oskar Jaszi's revolution theories, Max Weber's theory of state power, as well as theories of international relations, etc. The scientific novelty of this articleis the analysis of the phenomena of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution against the background of the dissolution of the Empires and change of the international order after the First World War. TheConclusions.The monarchist counter-revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania). The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest-Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies' pressure. So the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system). ; The aim of this article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena. The researchmethodology is based on Leopold von Ranke's and John Tosh's principles of historical study, Pitirim Sorokin's and Oskar Jaszi's revolution theories, Max Weber's theory of state power, as well as theories of international relations, etc. The scientific novelty of this articleis the analysis of the phenomena of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution against the background of the dissolution of the Empires and change of the international order after the First World War. TheConclusions.The monarchist counter-revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania). The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest-Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies' pressure. So the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system).

aim of this article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena. The researchmethodology is based on Leopold von Ranke's and John Tosh's principles of historical study, Pitirim Sorokin's and Oskar Jaszi's revolution theories, Max Weber's theory of state power, as well as theories of international relations, etc. The scientific novelty of this articleis the analysis of the phenomena of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution against the background of the dissolution of the Empires and change of the international order after the First World War. TheConclusions.The monarchist counter-revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania). The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest-Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies' pressure. So the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system). ; The aim of this article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena. The researchmethodology is based on Leopold von Ranke's and John Tosh's principles of historical study, Pitirim Sorokin's and Oskar Jaszi's revolution theories, Max Weber's theory of state power, as well as theories of international relations, etc. The scientific novelty of this articleis the analysis of the phenomena of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution against the background of the dissolution of the Empires and change of the international order after the First World War. TheConclusions.The monarchist counter-revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania). The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest-Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies' pressure. So the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system).

This chapter is focused on the placing of Ukraine in temporary transnational migration in Euro-Asian social space. For different categories of migrants Ukraine is a country to be used for further movement. Highly skilled specialists come to Ukraine, stay for several years and try to migrate to other countries; unskilled workers or asylum seekers are mostly transit migrants looking for possibilities to continue their trans-border movement to West. On the other hand, Ukrainian outmigrants to the EU and Asian countries intend to return home, but are not sure when it is actually going to happen. Sometimes they move from one country or region to another in order to find appropriate life and working conditions. Many of return migrants stay at home for some time and then, lacking adequate employment in the home country go abroad again using migrants' networks. It means that for many Ukrainian external migrants the return home is only one of the stages in realizing their migration projects. Our findings reveal that temporary migration becomes a permanent way of life for various categories of people. Therefore, the temporariness of migration turns to be a phenomenon of constructing the social relations of the "people on move": they are not willing to fully integrate into host societies (e.g. learning language etc.). Main politico-legal, socio-economic and socio-cultural aspects of external migration in Ukraine (involvement of officials in the corrupt schemes providing necessary permits to stay in Ukraine and transit through its territory to the EU, migrants' remittances becoming means of mobilization for non-migrants, relative adaptation of migrants not by official Ukrainian institutions but rather through social and illegal transnational networks) put the country at the crossroad of transnational migrants' networks and flows. ; This chapter is focused on the placing of Ukraine in temporary transnational migration in Euro-Asian social space. For different categories of migrants Ukraine is a country to be used for further movement. Highly skilled specialists come to Ukraine, stay for several years and try to migrate to other countries; unskilled workers or asylum seekers are mostly transit migrants looking for possibilities to continue their trans-border movement to West. On the other hand, Ukrainian outmigrants to the EU and Asian countries intend to return home, but are not sure when it is actually going to happen. Sometimes they move from one country or region to another in order to find appropriate life and working conditions. Many of return migrants stay at home for some time and then, lacking adequate employment in the home country go abroad again using migrants' networks. It means that for many Ukrainian external migrants the return home is only one of the stages in realizing their migration projects. Our findings reveal that temporary migration becomes a permanent way of life for various categories of people. Therefore, the temporariness of migration turns to be a phenomenon of constructing the social relations of the "people on move": they are not willing to fully integrate into host societies (e.g. learning language etc.). Main politico-legal, socio-economic and socio-cultural aspects of external migration in Ukraine (involvement of officials in the corrupt schemes providing necessary permits to stay in Ukraine and transit through its territory to the EU, migrants' remittances becoming means of mobilization for non-migrants, relative adaptation of migrants not by official Ukrainian institutions but rather through social and illegal transnational networks) put the country at the crossroad of transnational migrants' networks and flows.

The impact of globalisation and industrialisation has been a subject for research around the globe due to the huge paradigm shift caused by them. Such phenomena are also a cause of concern as cities consume close to three-quarters of the world's natural resources and generate three-quarters of its pollution and waste. There is a need for the cities to get smarter through the application of innovative solutions to address large-scale urbanisation challenges and find new ways for creating liveable, competitive and self-reliant cities. In this direction, the advent of smart cities could be a much larger wave of transformation which is about to splash the entire world. The precise content, feature and nature of smart cities vary from country to country, depending upon geographical condition, ecosystems, resource availabilities and major challenges being faced. Pilot projects have been taken up in almost all parts of the world to emulate such cities. Many countries have rolled out grand plans for the development of both greenfield and brownfield smart cities. There have been several agitations against such extensive infiltration of information technologies in societies due to the fear of cyberattacks, privacy threats, etc. However, societies have decided to go ahead because of the greater advantages as well as necessity of smarter systems for ensuring a quality life for citizens. The revolution of upcoming smart cities would thus be one of the most holistic movements, which would require extensive participation from almost all fronts of the society, thus resulting in a truly substantive development. Due to enhanced dependency on data sensors, automation technologies, information and communication technologies, software analytical applications, etc., any disruption/disaster may disintegrate the whole string of services and jeopardise the smart city ecosystem. Further, high concentration of population and economic activities make smart cities vulnerable to severe damage in terms of human lives as well as financial breakdown. Therefore, resilient measures for various natural and man-made disasters need to be taken care of. Major portions of all urban areas on earth are coastal/riverside, exposing them to sea/river-level rise and storm surges. Climate impacts such as cyclones, floods and droughts have financial impacts, with major disruption to business operations and city finances. This necessitates that at the onset of the development of smart city, concomitant actions are needed to make them resilient to disaster as well. This article introduces the concept of smart city and discusses its various attributes. Technology span required for smart city development has been analysed and presented. Some of the global initiatives have been discussed, along with the Government of India's ambitious programme of establishing 100 smart cities on a fast track. The planning and prioritisation strategies necessary for the success and sustainability of such a programme are discussed. To be really intelligent, cities must also consider the impacts of climate change. Therefore, disaster risk reduction is one of the key aspects in smart city development. Accordingly, vulnerabilities associated with smart cities have been listed with a holistic and far-sighted approach. These help in identification of mechanisms, policies and practices to be taken up by all the stakeholders to ensure that the smart cities serve their purpose of socio-economic development and citizen-centric governance, instead of procedural governance, without posing a threat to security, stability and integrity of the individuals and the society as a whole. The article also highlights the need for establishing a central command control centre and the shift in administrative procedures as well as emergency governance structures to accommodate the modern needs of involving citizens extensively in building these cities, not only literally but also figuratively.

Subsistenzproteste (food riots, Lebensmittelunruhen) sind eine historisch wie aktuell ubiquitäre Variante sozialen Konflikts. Sie sind Bestandteil einer weithin noch ungeschriebenen Sozial- und Mentalitätengeschichte von Märkten. Hier in einem weitergefaßten Sinn als contentious food politics thematisiert, werden darunter strittige Aushandlungsprozesse zwischen verschiedenen Gesellschaftsgruppen, sowohl unmittelbar gegeneinander wie auch mit dem Staat, um Zugang bzw. Verfügung über lebenswichtige Grundnahrungsmittel verstanden. Letzthin umschreibt das Konzept ein weitgespanntes Repertoire sozialer Konfrontationen und Kämpfe um Existenz und auskömmliches Leben. Das vorliegende Discussion Paper skizziert die historische Verbreitung und Relevanz dieser Konflikte von klassischen alteuropäischen Ausprägungen des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts in England, Frankreich und Deutschland über einschlägige Konflikte der Weltkriegs- und Zwischenkriegszeit bis hin zu ähnlich gearteten Antiglobalisierungsprotesten (austerity riots) der Gegenwart und fragt nach den jeweiligen Relationen zwischen diesen Sozialkonfliktfeldern und Zivilgesellschaften. Betont wird die ambivalente, im Ganzen eher schwierige Beziehungsgeschichte zwischen beiden konträren 'Lebenswelten', generell zwischen dem Sozialen und dem Zivilen. Gewiß gab es temporäre Annäherungen und gemeinsame Schnittmengen, etwa im Verlauf des späteren 19. Jahrhunderts im Kontext einer Transformation solcher Ressourcenkonflikte und Tendenzen einer Selbstzivilisierung der Protestakteure (Respektabilitätsdiskurse) im Umkreis der Arbeiterbewegungen. Zeitgenössische Protestaktionen unter Parolen wie "Selbsthilfe" konnten an zivilgesellschaftliche Wertüberzeugungen durchaus anknüpfen und zu dauerhaften Assoziationen, Vernetzungen etc. führen. Sehr häufig jedoch – besonders in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts - repräsentierten sie eher destruktive Auflösungstendenzen von Gesellschaften, die völlig aus den Fugen zu geraten drohten und teilweise ins Totalitäre abglitten. Zugleich verweist die Fortdauer der Proteste im 20. Jahrhundert auf anhaltende Vermittlungsprobleme mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Projekten: "direkte Aktion" und hohe Gewaltneigungen, sozialegalitäre Ansprüche auf Umverteilung sowie hartnäckige Versorgungsmentalitäten schlossen Allianzen/ Vereinbarungen mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren und deren Normen eher aus. Auf zivilgesellschaftlicher Seite korrespondierte damit eine relative Sprachlosigkeit hinsichtlich der sozialen Erwartungshaltungen der Protestakteure. Zivilgesellschaftliche Projekte bleiben, entsprechend ihrer Gemeinwohlziele, darauf verwiesen, soziale Programme zu formulieren, wollen sie erfolgreicher zukünftige gesellschaftliche "Entgleisungen" verhindern, eine historische Aufgabe, die sie im frühen 20. Jahrhundert leider gründlich versäumt haben. ; Historically as well as in present-day global perspectives, subsistence protests (food or market riots) represent a ubiquitous variation of social conflict; they are part of an almost unwritten social history and histoire des mentalités of markets. Conceptualized here in a broader sense as contentious food politics, these conflicts are conceived as negotiation processes between different groups within societies (among themselves as well as with the state) enabling access to basic foods. More generally, the concept deals with social conflicts about survival and subsistence. This discussion paper outlines the historical extent and relevance of those conflicts from classical European manifestations of 18th and 19th century England, France and Germany over similar conflicts of the 20th century war and inter-war period up to antiglobalisation conflicts (austerity riots) of the present day, discussing the relationships between those fields of conflict and civil societies. As a general result concerning social and civil relations, it is emphasized that those relationships were critical, difficult and precarious. Certainly, there were temporary phases of approximation and even some intersections, for instance during late 19th century transformations of those resource conflicts and trends of self-civilizing of their actors (discourses on respectability) in the context of labour movements. Contemporary actions following slogans like self-help ("Selbsthilfe") could join norms of civil society leading to associations, networks etc. However, very often – especially in the first part of 20th century – they represented more destructive tendencies of dissolution in a society which was threatened to fall apart entirely. At the same time, the persistence of those conflicts in the 20th century shows prevalent problems of mediation within civil society projects: direct action and a strong tendency toward violence, social egalitarian demands for redistribution and long-lasting mentalities of provision precluded alliances with civil societal actors and their norms. On the side of civil society, this corresponded with silence concerning the social expectations of protest actors. Before this historical background it is argued here that civil society projects, according to their proclaimed selfobligations to the common good, should develop social programs more explicitly if they want to prevent new and more global societal derailments more successfully in the future – something they failed to do in Germany and elsewhere in the early 20th century.

Introduction. Le Rwanda a connu de nombreuses difficultés au cours des deux dernières décennies :la situation économique précaire, les guerres civiles, le régime politique défaillant, l'instabilité de la sous-région des Grands Lacs, la pandémie du VIH/SIDA ;tous ces bouleversements ont plongé le pays dans l'extrême pauvreté. Au lendemain de la guerre et du génocide, le ministère de la Santé avec l'appui de différents partenaires a canalisé tous ses efforts dans la reconstruction du système de santé. Une meilleure participation communautaire à la gestion et au financement des services de santé était un des objectifs retenus dans cette reconstruction du système de santé. Pour ce faire, le ministère de la Santé, en partenariat avec le PHR (Partnership for health reform) a mis en place des mutuelles de santé « pilote » dans trois districts sanitaires (Byumba, Kabgayi et Kabutare) sur les 39 districts que compte le pays. L'objectif du ministère de la Santé était de généraliser ce système d'assurance maladie après une évaluation de ce projet pilote. Cette initiative de mise en place des mutuelles s'est heurtée au début de sa mise en œuvre à différents problèmes :le faible taux d'adhésion, les problèmes de gestion de la mutuelle, une faible implication des autorités de base dans la sensibilisation, une mauvaise qualité de soins dans certaines formations sanitaires, une utilisation abusive des services par les mutualistes, etc. Malgré ces problèmes d'autres initiatives de mise en place de mutuelles de santé ont vu le jour et continuent de s'implanter ici et là dans les districts sanitaires du pays. Dans le souci de renforcer cette réforme de financement alternatif par les mutuelles de santé, nous avons évalué l'impact des mutuelles sur l'accessibilité aux soins et le renforcement de la participation communautaire aux services de santé et nous avons proposé des voies stratégiques susceptibles d'améliorer le fonctionnement des mutuelles de santé. Méthodologie Pour atteindre ces objectifs de recherche, nous avons combiné ...

Purpose This paper enhances our understanding of how national culture impacts manufacturing performance (assembly speed, consistency between teams, etc.) during a production process move. The authors also investigate the efficacy of co-location as a strategy to enhance knowledge transfer from one organization to another.Design/methodology/approach To study the impact of national culture on production process moves, the authors develop and employ a team-based behavioral experiment within and between an individualist society (the United States) and a collectivist one (China). The authors also examine the impact of co-location on knowledge transfer effectiveness within and between these two unique cultures.Findings Interestingly, co-location has little impact on the performance of US recipient teams. Without co-location, Chinese recipient team performance lags significantly behind the US teams. However, firms can overcome these knowledge transfer challenges by co-locating source and recipient team members. These results suggest that firms should assess the national cultural context when considering co-location to manage their production move. There are contexts where co-location may be incredibly useful to facilitate an effective knowledge transfer (e.g. collectivist cultures like China) and contexts where this approach may not be as valuable (e.g. individualistic cultures such as the United States).Originality/valueThis research contributes to the academic literature in several ways. First, while past research demonstrates that national culture can be an essential barrier to information and knowledge sharing, this paper extends these findings showing that co-location may effectively overcome this barrier. After the authors offer and test the merits of co-location, they also establish the boundary conditions of this approach by showing that the effect of co-location on knowledge transfer is contingent on the cultural context. This contribution enhances our understanding of the relationship between national culture and knowledge sharing and has implications for managers developing approaches to transfer knowledge between cultures. Second, the authors develop and execute a novel cross-country experimental design. While cross-country experiments have been done before (e.g. Ozer et al. 2014, Kuwabara et al. 2007, etc.), it is still rare to see such experiments due to them being "technically difficult and costly" (Ozer et al. 2014, p. 2437). This research not only offer insights into how teams of people from individualist and collectivist societies send, receive and comprehend production knowledge. It also documents how these teams convert this knowledge into production results.

All tensions are not negative. There are structuring and destructuring tensions, and it is not always easy to decide which is which. By nature, democracy is inherently based on the institution of conflict, an institution which enables the representation of different interests in a society of free and equal individuals, multiple expressions of individual and collective agents, and the peaceful resolution of disagreements. Considering this framework, how can destructuring tensions be transformed into structuring ones? In this paper I will address the topic of society under tension with a case study, that of French society, and the type of individualism which characterizes it. A mapping of contemporary tensions in society cannot be established independently from globalization (the entry into a world culture, and generalized urbanization), which represents a change comparable to the Industrial Revolution, and the foundering of this industrial society, with the weakening of the welfare state and social protection, instituted in Western society after the Second World War. If collective challenges are similar everywhere, the path followed by the different national societies to address them differ somewhat. In the framework of globalization, to which the French are the most hostile in the European Union (after Greece), France offers images of pessimism, distrust, conflict, disquiet, and division among its citizens. It seems to be a society of malaise, in which the grammar of collective life is marked by strong negativity, though statistical data demonstrate that this society is doing rather well (in terms of degrees of inequality, the poverty rate, standards of living, health, etc.). Starting from the topic of collective malaise, the paper will highlight certain major tensions in French society. It will first situate them in the context of changes in collective representations of individualism marked by autonomy – the personal turn of individualism; then it will describe the features of this malaise (weakening of social links, new psychic pathologies, anxiety about the future and nostalgia for the past, etc.) by using the two examples of work and the welfare state (the French "social model" is invested as a foundation of the "living together"); after this, it will clarify underlying tensions which express, through this malaise (a crisis of equality à la française, and a difficulty to evolve the concept of protection); and finally, it will design paths enabling responses, to a certain extent, and will specify what a politics of autonomy could consist of. Video recording of the keynote

The article explores how urban areas are widely affecting the environment with special reference to the developing countries. Urbanization as the outcome of population growth in rural areas, decline of agricultural productivity and migration is creating more economic activities and dynamics in towns and cities leading to environmental issues and challenges. It is well observed in terms of transportation, solid waste, air, water, shortage of green space etc. in urban areas. In that, different age groups including children and the elderly people are badly affected. While urbanization affects society, urban inhabitants are constantly increasing due to improved transportation, more social network accessibility, higher literacy rate of young population, higher socio-economic expectations, change in lifestyles etc. However, density of population in cities has widely and negatively culminated in urban environmental catastrophes; some phenomenon which will affect next generations as well. Objective: As one of the main functions of sociology is to find social problems, the current paper tries to do that. Urbanization is increasingly and primarily affecting the environment. Destruction of environment and creation of the built environment, itself creating social, economic, health and many more problems, is one of the objectives of the research. If the issue is controlled, decline of other problems will follow, and consequently steps toward a safe and secure society will be taken. The analytics of the paper will on average reflect how urbanization is destroying societies as a whole. Similarly, sociology usually proposes ethical resolutions. The author also made use of the sources possible to collect the data necessary. Note, English not being the first language of the author, is expected to be average. One of the topics very related to sociology is urbanization. Population proves the objective relationship between urbanization with the environment. Any change in population in quantitative or qualitative terms, while impacting urbanization, it affects the environment too. Nowadays, the factor of population, and as a result, increasing urbanization has endangered the environment. Therefore, governments and the decision-making systems need to make proper decisions to keep the environment safe and clean. Environmental safety widely impacts the population; in that, babies, mothers and the aging people find more security. Probably, most of the problems and challenges of the 21st century are the results of the 20th century problems which were not administratively and politically observed and paid attention to, sufficiently. Weaknesses and shortcomings pertaining to policy-making have contributed to the 1st century challenges as stemmed from population, urbanization and the environment. Those are the key points to be explored in the present article.

Entre mayo y agosto de 2017, cerca de 2500 investigadores de la comunicación, censados como doctores y estudiantes de doctorado en centros universitarios españoles con titulaciones de grado y posgrado en las carreras de comunicación, fueron convocados por el Proyecto MapCom (CSO2013-47933-C4), en su tercera fase de desarrollo, a responder una encuesta en línea diseñada para conocer los perfiles de su identidad profesional y académica, así como la percepción sobre su estatus y su práctica investigadora. Accedieron al formulario de esta encuesta 1254 investigadores, de los cuales 838 (el 34 % del censo) respondieron a las preguntas, 496 finalizaron el formulario y 342 lo respondieron parcialmente. Por último, 416 abandonaron sin contestar ninguna pregunta. Las respuestas relacionadas con la identidad profesional y académica tienen que ver con la experiencia investigadora y sus reconocimientos: integración en grupos consolidados y en equipos de proyectos, sexenios, pertenencia a sociedades científicas, registro en bases de datos de investigación, etc. Las contestaciones relacionadas con la apreciación de su propia actividad investigadora destacan por denunciar mayoritariamente el escaso reconocimiento de la dedicación a investigar frente a la dedicación docente, cuando, de forma paradójica, es el resultado de la investigación del que se hace depender las evaluaciones de la carrera académica y de la calidad de las titulaciones que se imparten.About 2500 communication researchers, registered as doctors and doctoral students in Spanish university centres with undergraduate and postgraduate degrees in Communication, are invited from May to August 2017 by the Map-Com Project (CSO2013-47933-C4) in its third phase of development to answer an online survey designed to know the profiles of their professional and academic identity, as well as the perception of their status and their research practice. The survey form was accessed by 1,254 researchers, of whom 838 (34 % of the census) answered the questions, 496 completed the form and 342 partially answered. Finally, 416 left without answering any questions. The answers related to the professional and academic identity have to do with the research experience and its acknowledgments: integration in consolidated groups and project teams, six-year terms, membership in scientific societies, registration in research databases, etc. The answers related to the appreciation of their own research activity mainly stand out for denouncing the scarce recognition to research dedication as opposed to teaching dedication, when, paradoxically, the evaluations of the academic career and the quality of the degrees taught depend on the academic career evaluations.

La Pericia dentro del Poder Judicial es un instrumento, prueba adicional al momento de analizar la comisión de un delito y especialmente aplicado sobre la persona que se supone que lo ha cometido, al cual se lo denomina imputado, delincuente, etc., para determinar la culpabilidad de su autoría. Las pericias Psicológicas podrían servir al mismo objetivo. Ya nos ha advertido M. Foucault sobre la utilización de los Discursos médicos y jurídicos en procurar el disciplinamiento/control de las sociedades y los Sujetos. Pero, desde la ley de Ejercicio Profesional y Código de Ética de los Psicólogos podemos tomar distancia de estas posiciones, procurando intervenir en un proceso judicial donde se visibilice, historice y humanice a los sujetes alcanzados por el Sistema. Durante los últimos años se han producido cambios paradigmáticos importantes que han implicado cambios legislativos y prácticas que apuntan a posiciones acordes al Ejercicio profesional: desde el Paradigma de Derechos Humanos. Así la práctica pericial Penal se encuentra atravesada por estas dos líneas: la criminalidad y la defensa de los Derechos Humanos. En el presente trabajo intentaremos presentar y poner a discusión este entrecruzamiento con la finalidad de reflexionar sobre esta práctica pericial, evaluando como el propio Sistema Penal victimiza a su "clientela". ; The expertise within the Judiciary is an instrument, evidence, additional when analyzing the commission of a crime and especially the person who is supposed to have committed which is called: imputed, criminal, jet, etc. Psychological skills could serve the same purpose M. Foucault has already warned us about the use of medical and legal discourses in seeking the discipline / control of societies and subjects. But, from the Law of Professional Practice and Code of Ethics for Psychologists we can take distance from these positions, trying to intervene in a judicial process where the subjects reached by the System are made visible, historicized and humanized. During the last years there have been important paradigmatic changes that have implied legislative and practical changes that point to positions according to the Professional Exercise: from the Human Rights Paradigm. Thus the Criminal Expert practice is crossed by these two lines: criminality and the defense of Human Rights. In the present work we will try to present and discuss this inter-crossing with the purpose of reflecting on this expert practice, evaluating how the Criminal System itself victimizes its "clientele". ; Facultad de Psicología

[Abstract] At the beginning of this century speak of the existence of the Right to Leisure should not be something surprising since this law is a social achievement recognized in many important statements by international bodies. In these early twenty-first century, Leisure being increasingly recognized as an element of the quality of life of societies and individuals. It can even be said that there has been an institutional recognition of this phenomenon, and public authorities are involved in economic and political issues, management of facilities, services, advertising, etc., of different leisure environments (culture, sports, tourism and recreation). It is part of the defense and claim the Right to Leisure since this is a right recognized in the Third Generation of Human Rights and as such are innate attributes to humans, ie , born to him and which are inseparable from its status person. Based on these ideas, it would be necessary to justify the right to the tourism and cultural tourism by people with disabilities, but the reality is that this is not always the case, since this right is not always guaranteed to all citizens. ; [Resumen] Las personas con discapacidad y el Turismo Cultural: una realidad inconclusa. Al inicio de este siglo XXI hablar de la existencia del Derecho al Ocio no debiera ser algo sorprendente puesto que, este derecho, es una conquista social reconocida en numerosas e importantes declaraciones de organismos internacionales. En estos inicios del siglo XXI, el Ocio está siendo reconocido cada vez más como un elemento de la calidad de vida de las sociedades y de los individuos. Incluso puede decirse que se ha producido un reconocimiento institucional de este fenómeno, y los poderes públicos están implicados en cuestiones económicas y políticas, gestión de equipamientos, servicios, publicidad, etc., de los diferentes entornos de ocio (cultura, deporte, turismo y recreación). Se parte de la defensa y reivindicación del Derecho al Ocio ya que éste es un derecho reconocido dentro de la Tercera Generación de Derechos Humanos y como tales son atributos innatos al ser humano, es decir, que nacen con él y que son inseparables de su condición de persona. Partiendo de estas ideas, no sería necesario justificar el derecho al disfrute del turismo y del turismo cultural por parte de las personas con discapacidad, pero la realidad demuestra que esto no siempre es así, puesto que este derecho no siempre está garantizado para todos los ciudadanos.

La comunicación en el ámbito del desarrollo está embarcada en un proceso creciente de profesionalización. Tanto los agentes de cooperación (agencias multilaterales o estatales, ONGD, etc.) como los medios de comunicación están dedicando más espacio y recursos a la comunicación de temas como el hambre, el desarrollo sostenible. El tratamiento de la información y las estrategias de comunicación se hacen más complejas y requieren de un mayor conocimiento por parte de los profesionales dedicados a ello. La academia, por su parte, se dedica al desarrollo teórico crítico, y los debates intelectuales se alejan en general de la realidad profesional pero mantienen una visión crítica en busca de un desarrollo más justo. Este artículo explora las relaciones entre la universidad y la práctica en el ámbito de la comunicación para el desarrollo y analiza las posibles sinergias y consensos que puedan servir para promover sociedades más democrática, ambiental, social y culturalmente justas. ; La communication dans le domaine du développement est engagée dans un processus de professionnalisation. Les deux agents de la coopération (organismes multilatéraux ou d'États, ONG, etc.) et les médias consacrent de plus en plus d'espace et de ressources pour les themes de communication et developpement comme la faim, le développement durable. Le traitement des stratégies d'information et de communication et chaque fois plus complexe et éxige une meilleure compréhension des professionnels à cela dédiés. L'Académie, pour sa part, s'occupe au développement théorique critique et aux débats intellectuelles, généralement loin de la réalité professionnelle, mais tout à l'heure soutiennt unpoint de vue critique à la recherche d'un développement plus équitable. Cet article explore la relation entre l'université et de la pratique dans le domaine de la communication pour le développement et analyse des potentiels de synergies et de consensus qui peuvent servir à promouvoir des sociétés plus démocratiques, environnementales, sociales et équitables sur le plan culturel. ; Development communication is increasingly engaged in a professionalisation process. Cooperation agents (from multilateral agencies to NGOs) and mass media are dedicating more and more space and resources to hunger, sustainable development or health issues. Information treatment and development communication strategies that are being used are complex and require higher knowledge from professionals. Development academics have been involved in theoretical debates away from professional practise. This article explores the relationship between university and communication development professional practise, analysing possible synergies and consensus that can promote more democratic and ambiently, socially and culturally fairer societies.

La literatura, el folclore, los diccionarios y las gramáticas han utilizado y explicado las manifestaciones lingüísticas de modo que se adapten a la idea de que lo masculino debe ser el criterio universal (Spender 1980). Frente a estos antecedentes históricos, las feministas durante los años 70 y, posteriormente, los defensores de lo políticamente correcto de los 90, comenzaron una batalla contra el sexismo en el lenguaje, proporcionando soluciones en forma de pautas, folletos, glosarios, etc (Key 1975, Maggio 1987, 1991, McMinn 1991).El presente artículo explora la afirmación: "male equals positive and normal, female equals negative and abnormal" (Lakoff 1975, 2001) y, al prestar atención a desviaciones semánticamente parciales, proporcionar una visión histórica de equivalentes masculinos y femeninos. El corpus se construirá a partir de diccionarios monolingües y bilingües, diccionarios de expresiones idiomáticas, argot y proverbios para ofrecer un estudio diacrónico del lenguaje sexista, principalmente en inglés y español. Los sinónimos de algunas palabras se extraerán de páginas web y, para medir la actualidad de algunos de los ejemplos, se utilizarán tres corpus en línea. Se analizará también el marco sociocultural de estos términos y expresiones para ver hasta qué punto han moldeado ambas sociedades y qué efectos tienen actualmente en la vida de las mujeres. ; Literature, folklore, dictionaries and grammars have used and explained language manifestations to conform to the idea that male should be the standard of humanity (Spender 1980). Against this historical background, feminists during the 1970s and later politically correct advocates of the 1990s started battling against sexism in language, providing solutions, in the form of guidelines, booklets, glossaries, etc (Key 1975, Maggio 1987,1991, McMinn 1991).The present article explores the value assumption: "male equals positive and normal, female equals negative and abnormal" (Lakoff 1975, 2001) and, by paying attention to semantic biased deviations, gives a historical account of male and female counterparts. The corpus will be drawn from monolingual and bilingual dictionaries, dictionaries of idiomatic expressions, slang and proverbs to offer a diachronic study of sexist language mainly in English and in Spanish. Synonyms for certain terms will be drawn from Web pages and to measure the currency of some of the examples three on-line corpora will be used. The socio-cultural framework of these terms and expressions will be studied to see to what extent they have moulded both societies and what effects they have in women's lives today.