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Abstract: This article discusses the background of lawyer's movement and gives concept of social movement in detail including civil society and social change, difference between social movement and other movement's social movement and development on political culture and world system and social change. We can get peace and rights of humanity through movements. This is an analytical descriptive type qualitative research mainly literature review highlight the case study. Civil society is very supportive for lawyers and independent judiciary because lawyers and judiciary faced so many difficulties. They are deep rooted, constituency based, self-organized and self-finance. In Pakistan political scenery, lawyers movement present amazing and excellent example of such a civil society organization

This article describes and evaluates civic networks in Europe and the USA. These are seen as attempts to use new media technology, particularly the internet, to improve participation in local democratic processes. Various aspects of democratic communication are examined, including information access, preference measurement, deliberation and group mobilization. A wide variety of city-based experiments are described, which have all faced problems of low take-up and problems of inequality of access. It is argued that new media will have a significant and positive impact upon the processes of democratic communication within the appropriate regulatory and economic context, particularly regarding access to communications technologies.

Explores the concept of "social movement" for its implications of treating movements as networks in order to identify a specific social dynamic that differentiates social movements from related processes. Distinctive elements of social movements reveal a unique social movement dynamic related to informal networks, collective identity, & conflict. Theoretical models to identify social movement network structures & explain network & actor patterns are constructed. A proposed research agenda in social movement network analysis consists of multilevel analysis, single & multiple linkages, time, & "homophily" processes. 1 Table, 4 Figures.

The displacement of people due to climatic changes (environmental migration) presents major societal and governance challenges. This article examines whether and how climate-induced rural-to-urban migration contributes to social-movement participation. We argue that the mainly forceful nature of relocation makes environmental migrants more likely to join and participate in social movements that promote migrant rights in urban areas. Using original survey data from Kenya, we find that individuals who had experienced several different types of severe climatic events at their previous location are more likely to join and participate in social movements. This finding has important policy implications. National and local authorities should not only provide immediate assistance and basic social services to environmental migrants in urban settings, but also facilitate permanent solutions by fostering their socio-economic and political integration in order to prevent urban conflict.

Social accountability is an approach towards building accountability that relies on civic engagement in which citizens participate directly or indirectly in demanding accountability from service providers and public officials. It usually combines information on rights and service delivery with collective action for change. It has become a tool for direct engagement with service providers to ensure that citizens get adequate services or adequate explanation when those services are not available. When social accountability mechanisms are weak, the context becomes more challenging for communities or individual citizens to play a powerful role. Also, social accountability is fundamentally and ultimately a question of power as it requires both social and political pressure to ensure that duty bearers are kept on their toes. This piece will therefore explore the tools and approaches that some African social movements used to effectively drive the social accountability agenda. The tools we are exploring here are respectively social media and creative arts, while the approaches will be based on their ways of mobilising and organising. We conclude by making some recommendations for donors, government, citizens and other stakeholders.

AbstractIn cities across the globe there is mounting evidence of growing mobilization by members of the so‐called 'creative class' in urban social movements, defending particular urban spaces and influencing urban development. This essay discusses the meaning of such developments with reference to the hypothesis made by David Harvey inSpaces of Capitalabout the increasing mobilization of cultural producers in oppositional movements in an era of wholesale instrumentalization of culture and 'creativity' in contemporary processes of capitalist urbanization. After briefly reviewing recent scholarly contributions on the transformations of urban social movements, as well as Harvey's hypothesis about the potential role of cultural producers in mobilizations for the construction of 'spaces of hope', the essay describes two specific urban protests that have occurred in Berlin and Hamburg in recent years: the fight for Berlin's waterfront in the Media Spree area, and the conflict centred on the Gängeviertel in Hamburg. In both protests artists, cultural producers and creative milieux have played a prominent role. The essay analyses the composition, agenda, contribution and contradictions of the coalitions behind the protests, discussing whether such movements represent the seeds of new types of coalitions with a wide‐ranging agenda for urban change. The essay finally proposes a future research agenda on the role of artists, cultural producers and the 'creative class' in urban social movements across the globe.RésuméDans les villes à travers le monde, on constate une mobilisation croissante des membres de la classe dite 'créative' dans des mouvements sociaux urbains afin de défendre certains espaces de la ville ou d'influencer l'urbanisme. La signification de ces évolutions est analysée en référence à l'hypothèse qu'a formulée David Harvey dansSpaces of Capitalsur la mobilisation accrue des producteurs culturels dans des mouvements contestataire à l'ère de l'instrumentalisation massive de la culture et de la 'créativité' dans les processus contemporains d'urbanisation capitaliste. Après une courte étude des récentes contributions sur les transformations des mouvements sociaux urbains et de l'hypothèse d'Harvey sur le rôle potentiel des producteurs culturels dans les mobilisations en vue d'élaborer des 'espaces d'espoir', deux contestations urbaines qui ont eu lieu ces dernières années à Berlin et Hambourg sont présentées: le combat pour les quais de Berlin dans le projet Media Spree et le conflit centré sur le Gängeviertel hambourgeois. Dans les deux cas, artistes, producteurs culturels et milieux créatifs ont joué un rôle déterminant. Cet essai analyse la composition, le programme, la contribution et les contradictions des coalitions qui soutiennent les contestations, tout en cherchant à savoir si ces mouvements sont les germes de nouveaux types de coalitions dont l'agenda se diversifie en faveur du changement urbain. Pour finir, un programme de recherches est proposé sur le rôle des artistes, des producteurs culturels et de la 'classe créative' dans les mouvements sociaux urbains à travers le monde.

This article analyzes the impact of restructuring processes on the organizational structure and lobbying strategies of women's movement organizations (WMOs) in Belgium (Flanders) and the UK (Scotland). We argue that devolution/federalization and the resultant creation of new, intermediary levels of governance offers a devolution/federalism advantage to WMOs. Multilevel governance multiplies access points, allowing for accumulation of funds, limited forms of venue shopping, and avoidance of veto players. Nevertheless, a set of push and pull factors draws WMOs towards the regional level thereby "abandoning the center." These changes are driven by centrifugal dynamics that characterize the processes of devolution and federalization in these cases. In the long run, these may erase the devolution/federalism advantage, and also pose questions about state-wide women's citizenship and gender solidarity. Adapted from the source document.

In oral histories of "intersectional activism"--Activism that focuses on people whose lives are affected by more than one structure of oppression or form of discrimination (racism, classism, sexism, heterosexism, etc.) - narratives of love, faith, and joy drive, guide, and sustain the practice of social change. Reading these texts in relation to feminist, queer, and race theory and Buddhist philosophy, this book argues that an understanding of spirit is critical to explaining the power that social movements have to change hearts, minds, and social structures. By highlighting spirit, it calls attention to the feelings behind social justice work and the spiritual power that gives progressive activism its moral force.

"The typical town springs up around a natural resource--a river, an ocean, an exceptionally deep harbor--or in proximity to a larger, already thriving town. Not so with 'new towns, ' which are created by decree rather than out of necessity and are often intended to break from the tendencies of past development. New towns aren't a new thing--ancient Phoenicians named their colonies Qart Hadasht, or New City--but these utopian developments saw a resurgence in the twentieth century. In Practicing Utopia, Rosemary Wakeman gives us a sweeping view of the new town movement as a global phenomenon. From Tapiola in Finland to Islamabad in Pakistan, Cergy-Pontoise in France to Irvine in California, Wakeman unspools a masterly account of the golden age of new towns, exploring their utopian qualities and investigating what these towns can tell us about contemporary modernization and urban planning. She presents the new town movement as something truly global, defying a Cold War East-West dichotomy or the north-south polarization of rich and poor countries. Wherever these new towns were located, whatever their size, whether famous or forgotten, they shared a utopian lineage and conception that, in each case, reveals how residents and planners imagined their ideal urban future"--Provided by publisher

This article analyzes the conceptual treatment of national social movement organizations (SMOs) in current debates over civil society and the decline of social capital in the United States. Despite the rapid growth of national organizations since the 1960s, civil society proponents systematically dismiss their relevance. The author argues instead that national SMOs play a critical role in civil society and the production of social capital by providing an infrastructure for collective action, facilitating the development of mediated collective identities that link otherwise marginalized members of society, and shaping public discourse and debate. Theories that exclude this form of citizen participation not only overlook the important ways that social capital and collective identity are constructed by national organizations, but they ultimately promote the continued marginalization of less powerful social groups.