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The Emerging Church grew in prominence in the United States in the 1990's as a reaction to seeker-sensitive approaches of nondenominational evangelical megachurches. These megachurches are known for the commodification of religion and the conception of church members as consumers, and are thus prime examples of the neoliberalization of the American religious landscape. In contrast, the Emerging Church opposes institutionalized and neoliberalized religious practices and structures, instead emphasizing local and contextual organization and practice as a basis for more "authentically Christian" lives. Nevertheless, the Emerging Church itself displays characteristics of neoliberalization, which I disclose using Wendy Brown's definition of neoliberal rationality. This raises the question whether a lived critique of neoliberalization is possible in the late modern era.

This article discusses the recent political alliance between IC and the "Hardal" (acronym for Haredi-Dati-Leumi, meaning Ultra-Orthodox-Religious-Zionists) followers of Rabbi Zvi Thau. This new cooperation is surprising, due to Thau's tendency to criticize groups that do not adhere to his strict interpretation of Judaism. In this article we analyze the recent developments within Thau's circle, and determine that this cooperation is a consequence of a unique interpretation of a spiritual state of emergency. We conclude by analyzing the circumstances in which IC was formed, as a lesson religious Zionists took from the 2005 disengagement from Gaza plan. The article demonstrates that IC intentionally intended to enable the creation of this sort of political alliance.

The negative impact of political instability, religious and ethnic conflicts on tourism is well known. The article uses the example of a number of IGAD member countries to consider the reverse impact of tourism on inclusive development, weakening of ethno-religious problems, security and elimination of violence. Analysis of the tourism sector in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda shows that international tourism, being a driving force of economic development in these countries, is not a neutral factor in gender, religious and ethnic dynamics. Its positive impact is not automatically achieved. The article shows that the rapid growth of tourism-related industries, which is accompanied by an unequal distribution of its benefits between the state, business, local communities and religious organizations, can slow down the resolution of gender equality problems, escalate intercommunal and interreligious conflicts. However, the analysis of travel companies' business practices shows that the transition to a sustainable tourism model can contribute to the elimination of interethnic and interreligious conflicts. Formation of professional tourism communities aware of their social responsibility will help the hospitality industry together with the state to solve the problems of youth employment and education, gender inequality and security in general.

The shocking murder of Japan's former Prime Minister of Japan Shinzō Abe by a gunman motivated by anger at the politician's ties to the controversial Unification Church sparked a massive outcry that amplified long-standing anxieties about religion in Japan. This article surveys reasons for persistent tensions between a Japanese public that tends to reject self-identifying as religious and the influence of religion-affiliated organizations on Japanese politics. It also identifies Abe's assassination in July 2022 and local-level elections in April 2023 as potential beginning and end points of the latest moral panic about religion in Japan's public sphere.

"The 2011 Arab uprisings re-ignited global interest in the role that Islam and Islamist parties play in democratic transitions, especially with regard to women's lawful rights to share in governance and leadership. This book advances a theory of party religiosity to explain women's leadership across parties and countries, drawing on robust qualitative and quantitative findings from cross-national multiple cases and a case-study of Lebanon. The theory travels across 330 parties in 26 different countries - in Asia, Africa, and Europe. It is powerful and generalizable with explanatory and predictive powers"--

Religion plays a powerful role in modern politics, and the relationship between the two is ever-changing. The governing of a state cannot be separated from the religious views of its people that affect the leaders and lawmakers of a country. Law mirrors society. This paper explores the ways that religious beliefs, practices, and communities shape and are shaped by the political expecta-tions and necessities of a nation by using examples from major world religions. Readers will be presented information regarding each religion's perception of the relationship between religion and politics and how religious adherents have upheld or opposed the relationship. Because reli-gion and politics are always changing and adapting, the foundational ideologies of the relation-ship between these two entities are continually challenged, reimagined, modified.

AbstractPolitical theorists argue that justice requires treating people's time as having equal worth. In this article, I contend that justice sometimes requires making exceptions to uniform time rules. The article focuses on New York State's regulations for nonpublic schools and how they affect Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) Jewish day schools, or yeshivas. Dissatisfied yeshiva graduates, the state education department, and several liberal political theorists assert that the state should pressure yeshivas to dedicate more time to secular studies. Reconstructing Horace Kallen's argument against the melting pot conception of citizenship and for cultural pluralism, I maintain that liberal states should be generous toward non-liberal ways of life on condition that they do not systematically abuse children or pose a danger to public safety. A liberal education landscape may sustain many kinds of schooling, including ones that outsiders think waste time.

This article shall analyse the attitude of the Catholic Church towards the process of Europeanization of Polish policy of equality and non-discrimination. It shall be an analysis of a single case, i.e. the debate around Poland's adoption of the CAHVIO Convention of the Council of Europe. These analyses shall seek the answer to the question of how the Catholic Church sees the process of Europeanization of equality and anti-discrimination policy in Poland. Whether it supports it or opposes it. What role does it want to play in this process? How is the Church and its attitude towards Europeanization perceived by other participants of the public debate and how does this affect the ability of the Church to control the process of Europeanization? The theoretical approach used in the research shall be the paradigm of the public sphere and Europeanization. Methods and techniques of discourse analysis shall be applied as well.

Title Page -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part 1: The Ethical -- Chapter 1: Anxiety -- Chapter 2: Complacency -- Part 2: Between the Ethical and the Political -- Chapter 3: Between -- Part 3: The Political -- Chapter 4: Passivity -- Chapter 5: Violence -- Part 4: The Religious -- Chapter 6: Faith -- Bibliography.

How much autonomy should religious institutions have when they employ paid staff? This paper lays out two contrasting models, blanket liberalism and liberal pluralism, that come into play in this area. It then examines in some detail how Parliament dealt with the issue as it considered the Equality Act 2010, especially as the law pertained to sexual orientation. Although the Labour government would have liked to have pushed the country more toward blanket liberalism, in the end it left the law as it was, which was a victory, for the moment at least, for those churches who wished to retain their present degree of autonomy.

AbstractThis paper focuses on the historical ties between Protestantism and the nation-state, as well as between Catholicism and supranationalism, to widen the political science debate on different conditions of EU issue voting. Research suggests that the political context in each nation-state shapes the extent to which individual Eurosceptic attitudes influence the decision to vote for Eurosceptic parties. In addition to this, I expect that a nations' religious background responds differently to this relationship. Using data from the 2014 European Parliament elections, I show that citizens from predominantly Protestant countries actually decide for Eurosceptic parties if they hold negative attitudes towards European integration. In contrast, citizens from predominantly Catholic countries may or may not vote for Eurosceptic parties, but their voting decision is not based on individual EU attitudes such as support for European integration, trust in EU institutions or European identity.