Suchergebnisse

Borders, immigration and international relations on the eve of the Second World War
Claudine PIERRE
Following a long period of occupation during the Great War, the Ardens resorted to a policy of mass immigration aiming at facing the needs imposed by the rebuilding and owing to the shortage of agricultural and industrial workforce. This border area can be used as the geographical frame for the study of the major international crises repercussions had on immigration between WWI and WWII.
The economic crisis brought out new behavioral patterns. Although the number of foreign migrant workers was decreasing, there appeared xenophobic attitudes. Despite the pressure of public opinion, employers hindered any measure of regulation concerning the hiring of foreign labour. The resulting feeling of uncertainty acted as an incentive towards the integration of the foreigners.
However the terrible events that led to the War questioned and upset the efforts towards stabilization made by most foreigners. They were soon considered as would-be enemies. The first ones were the Poles with the breaking out of the Munich crisis which made of them targets of a French people all the more worried and fearful they might be sacrified again since living in a border area. The Italians had become a threat ever since Mussolini's diplomatic reversal. What they did was to try to prove again and again their loyalty towards their host country. When the war broke out some Czechoslovakians were interned after various blunders for being « subject to the Reich ». These hard times further reinforced the precarious situation of foreigners living in border areas.

AbstractThis article details the 1797 mutinies in the British Royal Navy in southern African waters at Simon's Bay and Table Bay at the Cape of Good Hope. Drawing attention to the intersections between international protest during the age of revolution and between local, African protest, it shows that the Cape mutinies were part of an empire-wide strike, and were rooted in the organizational traditions of naval sailors. Yet, these mutinies were also of local significance. They signalled the growing confidence, and radicalization, of the popular classes at the Cape, as sailors, KhoiSan labourers, and slaves all experimented with new strategies of rebellion. Realizing the fundamental class bias of custom and law during their struggles for improvements in wages and working conditions and for a more democratic workplace regime, naval sailors also contributed to a broader political dialogue at the Cape concerning the relationship between the imperial state, freedom, and rights.

Abstract:In Italy, churches, chapels, and monasteries are often rich in precious artifacts. However, these religious buildings cannot be easily protected from theft because either they have no antitheft measures or they are abandoned. This article examines the problematic state of the holy heritage in the Italian territory from a legal perspective. In particular, it looks at Italian legislation and the international instruments entered into by the Italian State. The article argues that this protective legal regime is affected by various shortcomings and loopholes that mostly relate to the implementation of existing legal standards. Notably, it appears that these problems originate from the fact that most of the holy heritage situated in Italy belongs to the Catholic Church, and at the same time, it constitutes the historical and artistic patrimony of the Italian State. The article calls for a more efficient management of such precious vestiges by the stakeholders involved and for a revision of the domestic legislation with a view of properly incorporating the achievements of international cultural heritage law.

Excellent vecteur de la propagande brésilienne à l'étranger, l'Institut International de Coopération Intellectuelle (IICI), ancêtre de l'UNESCO, est pour le Brésil la garantie d'un certain équilibre de sa politique extérieure ; c'est un moyen de ne pas quitter tout à fait la scène européenne, même après son retrait de la SDN, alors même que dès le début du XX° siècle, avec l'arrivée du Baron de Rio Branco à la tête de l'Itamaraty, le rapprochement avec les États-Unis est devenu un axiome de la diplomatie brésilienne. Il ne s'agissait pas de se placer sous la coupe du puissant voisin du Nord, mais de se servir de l'amitié américano-brésilienne pour « atteindre les objectifs plus élevés de sa politique dans le cadre sud-américain. Avec le concours des États-Unis, qui rehaussait le prestige du Brésil, il [Rio Branco] briguait pour son pays le statut de première puissance sud-américaine. Getúlio Vargas n'abandonne pas cette ambition et met en œuvre un discours pan-américaniste qui, d'une part, atténue son image germanophile, et d'autre part le pose en bâtisseur de la solidarité continentale. Dans le même temps, la collaboration avec l'Institut permet au régime de Vargas de donner un gage de bonne volonté au camp des démocraties, inquiètes de ses relations tant économiques qu'idéologiques avec l'Allemagne : quoi de mieux pour cela que de participer à l'œuvre de coopération intellectuelle « grand agent du rapprochement des peuples », selon les mots d'un diplomate brésilien ? C'est aussi un moyen de renforcer son « prestige moral » vis-à-vis des États-Unis, mais aussi des autres pays d'Amérique du Sud. L' « équidistance pragmatique » qui caractérise la politique extérieure brésilienne sous Vargas est donc également valable sur le plan des relations culturelles internationales, où la question de l'image de soi est fondamentale. En utilisant les archives de l'UNESCO et celles de l'Itamaraty sur la participation brésilienne à l'Institut, nous souhaitons montrer comment le Brésil de Vargas construit l'image que les ...

The relative importance of financial services in national economies varied over the course of the twentieth century. Rajan and Zingales note that "by most measures, countries were more financially developed in 1913 than in 1980 and only recently have they surpassed their 1913 levels" and that "indicators of financial development fell in all countries after 1929, reaching their nadir around 1980. Since then has been a revival of financial markets." This revival of financial markets over the last thirty years has led to the study of "financialization" that is variously defined with differing uses, but here is understood as "the growing importance of financial markets as a source of profits in the economy."