Der vorliegende Band gibt die Diskussion des 13. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Erziehungswissenschaft wieder. Das gewählte Rahmenthema sollte die Verständigung über die Weiterentwicklung und den Neuaufbau der Erziehungswissenschaften gleichermaßen am Problemstand der Tradition wie an modernen Gegenwartsfragen ausrichten. Neben den einführenden Referaten gibt der Konferenzband über die Berichte von 11 der insgesamt 12 Symposien sowie über das Podiumsgespräch "Zur Situation der Erziehungswissenschaft in den alten und neuen Ländern der Bundesrepublik Deutschland" Auskunft. Für die Berufsbildung sind Beiträge des 3. Symposiums (Thema: Modernität der deutschen Berufsausbildung im Kontext der europäischen Integration) und des 10. Symposiums (Thema: Modernisierung des Bildungssystems im Spannungsfeld von Entberuflichung und neuer Beruflichkeit) von besonderem Interesse. (BIBB)
This paper reviews both current practices and common challenges of measuring the causes, functioning, and consequences of violent conflict at the micro-level. The authors review existing conflict -- and violence-related survey questionnaires, with a particular focus on the World Bank's Living Standard Measurement Surveys. Further, they discuss methodological challenges associated with empirical work in conflict-affected areas—such as operationalizing a definition of conflict, using the appropriate units of analysis, deciding on the timing of the survey, dealing with data biases and conducting surveys in an ethically sound manner—and propose ways to improve the usefulness of existing surveys to analyze conflict processes at the micro-level. Violent conflict, households, survey methods, questionnaire design.
HELENA study received funding from the European Community Sixth RTD Framework Program (Contract FOODCT-2005-007034). E.M.G.-G. holds a Juan de la Cierva-Formación grant from the Spanish Government (FJCI-2017-34967). ; The ethics committees in all countries approved the HELENA study. All countries involved in the study provided good clinical practices and ethical guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki 1964 (revision of 2000) and the legislation about clinical research in humans. The ethical approval code from the coordinator center was 03/2006; date of approval: February 2006, obtained from the Ethical Committee of clinical research in Aragon (CEICA). ; We are grateful for the support provided by school boards, headmasters, teachers, school staff, and communities and the effort of all study nurses and our data managers. HELENA Study Group: Coordinator: Luis A. Moreno.Core Group members: Luis A. Moreno, Fréderic Gottrand, Stefaan De Henauw, Marcela González-Gross, Chantal Gilbert.Steering Committee: Anthony Kafatos (President), Luis A. Moreno, Christian Libersa, Stefaan De Henauw, Sara Castelló, Fréderic Gottrand, Mathilde Kersting, Michael Sjöstrom, Dénes Molnár, Marcela González-Gross, Jean Dallongeville, Chantal Gilbert, Gunnar Hall, Lea Maes, Luca Scalfi.Project Manager: Pilar Meléndez. 1. Universidad de Zaragoza (Spain): Luis A. Moreno, José A. Casajús, Jesús Fleta, Gerardo Rodríguez, Concepción Tomás, María I. Mesana, Germán Vicente-Rodríguez, Adoración Villarroya, Carlos M. Gil, Ignacio Ara, Juan Fernández Alvira, Gloria Bueno, Olga Bueno, Juan F. León, JesúsMª Garagorri, Idoia Labayen, Iris Iglesia, Silvia Bel, Luis A. Gracia Marco, Theodora Mouratidou, Alba Santaliestra-Pasías, Iris Iglesia, Esther González-Gil, Pilar De Miguel-Etayo, Mary Miguel-Berges, Isabel Iguacel, Azahara Rupérez. 2. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (Spain): Ascensión Marcos, Julia Wärnberg, Esther Nova, Sonia Gómez, Ligia Esperanza Díaz, Javier Romeo, Ana Veses, Belén Zapatera, Tamara Pozo, David Martínez. 3. Université de Lille 2 (France): Laurent Beghin, Christian Libersa, Frédéric Gottrand, Catalina Iliescu, Juliana Von Berlepsch. 4. Research Institute of Child Nutrition Dortmund, Rheinische Friedrich–Wilhelms–Universität Bonn (Germany): Mathilde Kersting, Wolfgang Sichert-Hellert, Ellen Koeppen. 5. Pécsi Tudományegyetem (University of Pécs) (Hungary): Dénes Molnar, Eva Erhardt, Katalin Csernus, Katalin Török, Szilvia Bokor, Mrs. Angster, Enikö Nagy, Orsolya Kovács, Judit Répasi. 6. University of Crete School of Medicine (Greece): Anthony Kafatos, Caroline Codrington, María Plada, Angeliki Papadaki, Katerina Sarri, Anna Viskadourou, Christos Hatzis, Michael Kiriakakis, George Tsibinos, Constantine Vardavas, Manolis Sbokos, Eva Protoyeraki, Maria Fasoulaki. 7. Institut für Ernährungs- und Lebensmittelwissenschaften–Ernährungphysiologie. Rheinische Friedrich Wilhelms Universität (Germany): Peter Stehle, Klaus Pietrzik, Marcela González- Gross, Christina Breidenassel, Andre Spinneker, Jasmin Al-Tahan, Miriam Segoviano, Anke Berchtold, Christine Bierschbach, Erika Blatzheim, Adelheid Schuch, Petra Pickert. 8. University of Granada (Spain): Manuel J. Castillo, Ángel Gutiérrez, Francisco B Ortega, Jonatan R Ruiz, Enrique G Artero, Vanesa España, David Jiménez-Pavón, Palma Chillón, Cristóbal Sánchez-Muñoz, Magdalena Cuenca. 9. Istituto Nazionalen di Ricerca per gli Alimenti e la Nutrizione (Italy): Davide Arcella, Elena Azzini, Emma Barrison, Noemi Bevilacqua, Pasquale Buonocore, Giovina Catasta, Laura Censi, Donatella Ciarapica, Paola D'Acapito, Marika Ferrari, Myriam Galfo, Cinzia Le Donne, Catherine Leclercq, Giuseppe Maiani, Beatrice Mauro, Lorenza Mistura, Antonella Pasquali, Raffaela Piccinelli, Angela Polito, Romana Roccaldo, Raffaella Spada, Stefania Sette, Maria Zaccaria. 10. University of Napoli "Federico II" Dept of Food Science (Italy): Luca Scalfi, Paola Vitaglione, Concetta Montagnese. 11. Ghent University (Belgium): Ilse De Bourdeaudhuij, Stefaan De Henauw, Tineke De Vriendt, Lea Maes, Christophe Matthys, Carine Vereecken, Mieke de Maeyer, Charlene Ottevaere, Inge Huybrechts. 12. Medical University of Vienna (Austria): Kurt Widhalm, Katharina Phillipp, Sabine Dietrich, Birgit Kubelka, Marion Boriss-Riedl. 13. Harokopio University (Greece): Yannis Manios, Eva Grammatikaki, Zoi Bouloubasi, Tina Louisa Cook, Sofia Eleutheriou, Orsalia Consta, George Moschonis, Ioanna Katsaroli, George Kraniou, Stalo Papoutsou, Despoina Keke, Ioanna Petraki, Elena Bellou, Sofia Tanagra, Kostalenia Kallianoti, Dionysia Argyropoulou, Stamatoula Tsikrika, Christos Karaiskos. 14. Institut Pasteur de Lille (France): Jean Dallongeville, Aline Meirhaeghe. 15. Karolinska Institutet (Sweden): Michael Sjöstrom, Jonatan R Ruiz, Francisco B. Ortega, María Hagströmer, Anita Hurtig Wennlöf, Lena Hallström, Emma Patterson, Lydia Kwak, Julia Wärnberg, Nico Rizzo. 16. Asociación de Investigación de la Industria Agroalimentaria (Spain): Jackie Sánchez-Molero, Sara Castelló, Elena Picó, Maite Navarro, Blanca Viadel, José Enrique Carreres, Gema Merino, Rosa Sanjuán, María Lorente, María José Sánchez. 17. Campden BRI (United Kingdom): Chantal Gilbert, Sarah Thomas, Elaine Allchurch, Peter Burgess. 18. SIK—Institutet foer Livsmedel och Bioteknik (Sweden): Gunnar Hall, Annika Astrom, Anna Sverkén, Agneta Broberg. 19. Meurice Recherche & Development asbl (Belgium): Annick Masson, Claire Lehoux, Pascal Brabant, Philippe Pate, Laurence Fontaine. 20. Campden & Chorleywood Food Development Institute (Hungary): Andras Sebok, Tunde Kuti, Adrienn Hegyi. 21. Productos Aditivos SA (Spain): Cristina Maldonado, Ana Llorente. 22. Cárnicas Serrano SL (Spain): Emilio García. 23. Cederroth International AB (Sweden): Holger von Fircks, Marianne Lilja Hallberg, Maria Messerer. 24. Lantmännen Food R&D (Sweden): Mats Larsson, Helena Fredriksson, Viola Adamsson, Ingmar Börjesson. 25. European Food Information Council (Belgium): Laura Fernández, Laura Smillie, Josephine Wills. 26. Universidad Politécnica de Madrid (Spain): Marcela González-Gross, Raquel Pedrero-Chamizo, Agustín Meléndez, Jara Valtueña, David Jiménez-Pavón, Ulrike Albers, Pedro J. Benito, Juan José Gómez Lorente, David Cañada, Alejandro Urzanqui, Rosa María Torres, Paloma Navarro. ; The following are available online at https://www.mdpi.com/2072-6 643/13/3/954/s1, Table S1: Mean intake of food PS from ED food for plausible reporter and by BMI, normal weight or overweight/obesity in males and females. Table S2: The association between BMI and PS of most ED food in under-reporters, using multiple linear regression model. Table S3: The association between FMI and portion size of most ED food between gender in under-reporters, using multiple linear regression model. Table S4: Ordinal logistic regression model, the association between BMI categories and ED food portion groups in under-reporters and between gender. ; Obesity prevalence has been simultaneously increasing with high consumption of large food portion sizes (PS). However, there is scarce information on PS of energy-dense (ED) foods as a potential risk factor of obesity in adolescents. In the present study, we investigate the association between the PS of the most ED foods and body composition. A sample of 1889 adolescents (54.4% females) from the Healthy Lifestyle in Europe by Nutrition in Adolescence cross-sectional multicenter study (HELENA-CSS) study were included. Most ED foods (e.g., cheese) were selected according to higher fat and/or sugar content and low fiber and water. Linear and ordinal logistic regression models were adjusted for age, physical activity, total energy intake (TEI), and socioeconomic status (SES). Analysis was performed both in those adolescents reporting plausible energy intake according to the approach of Goldberg et al. and in the whole sample. In male plausible reporters, PS from "breakfast cereals" showed a significant and positive association with BMI (beta = 0.012; 0.048). PS from "carbonated soft drinks" in males (OR = 1.001; 95% CI 1.000; 1.002) and "bread and rolls" in females (OR = 1.002; 95% CI 1.000; 1.004) were associated with higher probability of having obesity, while "sweet bakery products" were associated with lower probability of having obesity (OR = 0.996; 95% CI 0.991; 0.999) in females. The present study suggests association between PS of ED foods and obesity in European adolescents. Prospective studies are needed to examine the effect of prolonged exposure to large PS and obesity development. ; European Community Sixth RTD Framework Program FOODCT-2005-007034 ; Spanish Government European Commission FJCI-2017-34967
Pós-graduação em Planejamento e Análise de Políticas Públicas - FCHS ; En estados de gobierno con sistema democrático, existe una preocupación constante por la influencia que tiene la educación infantil en los procesos de desarrollo económico y social que se pueden categorizar en grupos organizados de variables a través de las que se comprenden los resultados de propuestas de programas de política pública; comprensión que incluso aporta en la comprensión sistemática de la política por parte de los grupos sociales que se impactan con estas propuestas. Una de las formas en que los programas de intervención social tienen que influir en la política de Estado, es a través de la financiación de acciones orientadas a la primera infancia, ya sea para maximizar las posibilidades de que los niños tengan éxito en sus procesos de educación inicial, ya sea para tener acceso a la legislatura con la perspectiva de hacer cumplir sus derechos y el acceso a los procesos de accountability o de acceso a los gestores de políticas públicas en la agenda de gobierno. Tomando este argumento como referencia; este trabajo adoptó como pregunta central de estudio: ¿Cuál es el estado del arte del conocimiento producido en Brasil y en Colombia por PIM y De Cero a Siempre en la gestión pública de políticas de educación para la Primera Infancia y como buenas prácticas de política pública de AIPI? Para responder a esta pregunta, técnicamente se sistematizó una base de datos con información de tres fuentes secundarias con 30 documentos que conformaron la unidad de análisis documental de los programas PIM y De Cero a Siempre entre 2007 y 2017. Metodológicamente se recurrió al modelo de análisis de contenido en el que se implementaron los referenciales lexicos y la segmentación de categorías de análisis para estimar comparativamente la comprensión de los programas y de los evaluadores que en cada caso han aportado al desarrollo de las políticas de AIPI a través del seguimiento a estos programas en cada país y como estrategia con la idea de aportar en la verificación de la hipótesis de trabajo de que cuanto mayor sea el compromiso de los países con mantener una posición de inversión en el capital humano desde los primeros años de escolaridad, más alta será la ganancia en desarrollo social por parte de las instituciones jurídicas y de los dos países. El trabajo se divide en dos grandes bloques y sus capítulos: 1. marco teórico y metodológico para revisión de la literatura centrado en el análisis comparativo y de contenido de los casos en Rio Grande del Sur y en Colombia; 2. Comprensión del estado de arte y de la práctica de los programas PIM y De Cero a Siempre. Entre los resultados se puede destacar el que para la valoración sistemática de los programas de AIPI, se debe adquirir la cultura de construcción de modelos predictivos de eficiencia y aporte de evidencias para evaluar el impacto de los programas. En cuanto al aporte a la verificación de la hipótesis de trabajo, el principal aprendizaje con el modelo de análisis implementado es que los enfoques de evaluación de políticas públicas, exigen el aporte de evidencias para medir las variables de seguimiento. El aporte de programas AIPI a la superación de la línea de pobreza en Latinoamérica desde la lógica del análisis léxico merece ser destacado, ya que el conjunto de documentos implementados para cada uno de los grupos, mostró que el efecto de relación y fuerza entre las palabras es en promedio de alrededor del 5% en la prueba Chi2; es decir, que en cada clase en las que se categoriza la información, se evidencia un recurrente uso de palabras que tienen que ver con el compromiso por pensar la forma de superar la situación de pobreza infantil y que al continuar con posteriores estudios la constante será a aumentar aproximadamente en el 5%. Este efecto parece ser consistente, porque el efecto de la probabilidad al vincular más textos a la unidad de análisis será mayor en la riqueza léxica que provee la comparación y el contraste de procesos posteriores de evaluación de los programas que se hagan con base en fuentes primarias de datos. ; In democratic government states, there is a constant concern about influence of early childhood education on economic and social development processes that can be categorized into organized variables groups through which the proposals results of public policy programs are understood; understanding that even contributes to systematically comprehension about politics by social groups that are impacted by these proposals. One way in which social intervention programs have influence on state policy, is through the financing of early childhood oriented actions, either to maximize chances of children succeeding in their initial education processes, either to have access for legal work with enforcing prospect their rights and access to accountability processes, or access to public policy makers on governance agenda. Taking this argument as a reference; this work adopted as a central study question: What is the state of art for knowledge produced in Brazil and Colombia by PIM and De Cero a Siempre in public management of early childhood education policies and as good public policy practices of IAEC? To give answer for this question, a database with information from three secondary sources was technically systematized with 30 documents that formed the document analysis unit of "PIM" and "De Cero a Siempre" programs between 2007 and 2017. Methodologically, was worked on content analysis model in which lexical references and analysis segmentation categories were implemented to estimate understanding these programs comparatively and form that evaluators in each case have contributed for IAEC development policies, through follow-up to these programs in each country and as a strategy with providing verification idea for working hypothesis about the greater countries commitment to maintaining an investment position in human capital from the first years of schooling, will be higher gain in social development by legal institutions and by two countries. This work is divided into two large blocks and their chapters: 1. theoretical and methodological framework for literature review focused on comparative and content analysis cases in Rio Grande del Sur and Colombia; 2. Understanding the art and practice state for PIM and De Cero a Siempre programs. Among the results is that for a systematic evaluation of IAEC programs; the predictive model's culture of efficiency and evidence to assess the impact of policy programs must be acquired. As for verification about working hypothesis contribution, the main learning with analysis model implemented, is that public policy evaluation approaches require the evidence inputs for measure tracking variables. IAEC contribution programs to improvement the poverty line in Latin America from lexical analysis logic of deserves may be highlighted, since the set of documents implemented for each group, showed that relationship and strength between words effect is on average around 5% in the Chi2 test; that is, in each class in which information is categorized, there is evidence on recurring use by words that have relationship with commitment to think about how to overcome the situation of child poverty and that by continuing further studies, the constant will be increase by approximately 5%. This effect appears to be consistent, because the probability effect by increase more texts into analysis unit, will be greater in the lexical richness that comparison provides and contrast of subsequent evaluation processes programs based on primary sources of data.
This article reviews trends in poverty, economic policies, and growth in a sample of African countries during the 1990s, drawing on the better household data now available. Experiences have varied. Some countries have seen sharp drops in income poverty, whereas others have witnessed marked increases. In some countries overall economic growth has been pro-poor and in others not. But the aggregate numbers hide systematic distributional effects. Taking both macro and micro perspectives of growth and poverty in Africa, the article draws four key conclusions. First, economic policy reforms (improving macroeconomic balances and liberalizing markets) appear conducive to reducing poverty. Second, market connectedness is crucial to enable participation in the gains from economic growth. Some regions and households by virtue of their remoteness were left behind when growth picked up. Third, education and access to land emerge as key private endowments to help households benefit from new economic opportunities. Finally, rainfall variations and ill health have profound effects on poverty outcomes, underscoring the significance of social risk management in poverty reduction strategies in Africa.
Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: The question of how and if children acquire language has long been of perennial interest: is language innate or not? If it is, what then is the proto-language? The first phylogenetic 'study' was conducted as early as the 7th century BC: pharaoh Psammetich I. undertook to determine what the proto-language is by giving two infants to a foster father who was not allowed to talk to them. After two years of no linguistic input they could only speak one word – 'bek' – which was assumed to be the Phrygian word for bread (bekos). In the 16th century Akbar the Great initiated the first ontogenetic study. By having two infants raised by a mute woman he proved that children do not learn to speak if they do not hear anyone speak. Since then ample questions concerning first language acquisition have been faced and replied to in detail and at great length. Yet, there are still some left unanswered or even unasked. One of the topics that have not been of great interest so far is the acquisition of interjections not only in first language but also in foreign language learning. In fact, interjections play an important role in communicative as well as non-communicative contexts, and their actual linguistic value and role were underestimated and misjudged for quite a long time: Interjections are among the most little studied of language phenomena; as one looks for references to them in the works of linguists, one is struck by the fact that they are very rarely mentioned, and where they are mentioned, it is usually only briefly and cursorily. Only recently have linguists delved into the subject of interjections and discovered that this particular linguistic phenomenon provides in fact ample opportunity for study and research. Moreover, with the interest in interjections the problem arose to determine what actually defines an interjection. As we shall see, opinions on this point differ considerably and attempts at agreeing upon the definition of interjections have been unsuccessful so far. Yet, there are some general tendencies which will form the basis for how the term interjection is used in this paper, and discussion of this point will be postponed until part II. Now, this M.A. thesis aims at gaining an insight into the acquisition of interjections in early childhood. This field has been neglected so far but merits in fact extensive and thorough inspection. This paper consists of three main parts, with the first two parts forming the basis for my study in part III.: in the first part I will provide a brief overview on child language acquisition, focussing particularly on phonological development. The second part consists of a theoretical disquisition on interjections to illustrate what characteristics they have and what peculiarities they show. In the third and final part I will come to my study on the acquisition of interjections in early childhood.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: 0.Introduction1 I.Part I. - Child Language Acquisition3 I.1Preliminary Remarks3 I.1.1Why Do We Learn to Speak at All?3 I.1.2Anatomic Implications4 I.2Basic Principles5 I.2.1The Neonate5 I.2.2First Vocalisations5 I.2.3The Babbling Period6 I.2.4Prosodics7 I.2.5Early Word Comprehension and Production8 I.3Phonology9 I.4Grammatical Acquisition13 I.5Semantics14 I.6Summary: Child Language Acquisition14 II.Part II. - Interjections17 II.1What Is an Interjection? Approaches and Introduction17 II.2Brief Overview: History of the Study of Interjections18 II.3Primary and Secondary Interjections20 II.4Features of Interjections21 II.4.1Why Are There Similarities across Different Languages?21 II.4.1.1The Pooh-pooh Theory22 II.4.1.2Physiological Determinants23 II.4.1.3Formal Constraints24 II.4.2An Attempt at Classifying Interjections25 II.4.2.1Tesnière's Classification of Interjections26 II.4.2.2Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm's Classification of Interjections28 II.4.2.3Ameka's Classification of Interjections29 II.4.3Parameters of Interjectionality31 II.4.3.1Functional and Pragmatic Features32 II.4.3.1.1Emotivity and Expressiveness32 II.4.3.1.2Non-referentiality33 II.4.3.1.3The Role of Interjections in Speech Acts33 II.4.3.1.4Monologicity36 II.4.3.2Formal Features38 II.4.3.2.1Prosodic and Suprasegmental Characteristics40 II.4.3.2.2Phonotactics and Syllable Structure41 II.4.3.2.3Phonology42 II.4.3.3Orthography43 II.4.3.4Morphology44 II.4.3.5Lexical Structures44 II.4.3.6Syntax45 II.4.3.7Semiotic Structures47 II.4.3.8Semantic Properties48 II.4.3.9Summary: Features of Primary and Secondary Interjections54 II.4.3.10The Linguisticality of Interjections55 II.5Interjections in the English Language55 II.5.1Interjections of Disgust56 II.5.2Interjections Containing an Element of Surprise57 II.5.2.1Oh!57 II.5.2.2Wow!58 II.5.2.3Whoops! and Oops!58 II.5.3Interjections of Pain58 II.5.4Other Interjections58 II.6The Acquisition of Interjections60 III.Part III. - Study: The Acquisition of Interjections in Early Childhood62 III.1Introductory Remarks62 III.1.1Definition of Interjections62 III.1.2Previous Studies66 III.1.3Purpose of Present Study66 III.2Criteria for Selection and Detailed Description of the Interjections for Analysis67 III.2.1Interjections of Pain68 III.2.1.1Function68 III.2.1.2Usage68 III.2.1.3Degree of Linguisticality70 III.2.1.4Origin70 III.2.1.5Form70 III.2.1.6Affiliation to Words and Phrases71 III.2.2Interjections of Disgust71 III.2.2.1Function71 III.2.2.2Usage72 III.2.2.2.1Ugh!72 III.2.2.2.2Yuck!73 III.2.2.2.3Phew!74 III.2.2.3Degree of Linguisticality75 III.2.2.4Origin75 III.2.2.5Form76 III.2.2.6Affiliation to Words and Phrases76 III.2.3"Spill Cries"78 III.2.3.1Function78 III.2.3.2Usage78 III.2.3.3Degree of Linguisticality79 III.2.3.4Origin79 III.2.3.5Form80 III.2.3.6Affiliation to Words and Phrases80 III.2.4Preliminary Thoughts and Hypotheses about the Outcome of My Study81 III.2.4.1Interjections of Pain81 III.2.4.2Interjections of Disgust81 III.2.4.3'Spill Cries'82 III.3Database and Method82 III.3.1Source and Format of Data82 III.3.2Characteristics of Data82 III.3.3Method83 III.4Results84 III.4.1Interjections of Pain84 III.4.1.1Ow!84 III.4.1.2Ouch!93 III.4.2Interjections of Disgust94 III.4.2.1Ugh!94 III.4.2.2Yuck!96 III.4.2.3Phew!97 III.4.3'Spill Cries'97 III.4.3.1Whoops! and Its Variants97 III.4.3.2Whoopsadaisy! and Its Variants102 III.5Discussion103 III.5.1Order of Acquisition103 III.5.2Uses and Their Developmental Change105 III.5.3Comparison of Study Results: Asano - Stange105 III.6For Further Study108 III.7Conclusion110 References Appendix App. 1 IPA symbols used to transcribe the speech sounds in this thesis App. 2 Reasons for the production of Ow! - interjectional usage only App. 3 Deutsche Zusammenfassung der ArbeitTextprobe:Text Sample: Chapter II.4.1.1, The Pooh-pooh Theory: Wundt claimed that primary interjections represent the transition from the imitation of animal sounds to language, i.e. from natural animal sounds to inarticulate exclamatory sounds to articulate emotional sounds. According to Wundt, language evolved in such a way that the articulate emotional sounds used to express moderate emotions were replaced step by step by language, and were henceforth used with intense emotions only Similarly, the interjectional theory – also nicknamed pooh-pooh theory – claims that 'language is derived from instinctive ejaculations called forth by pain or other intense sensations or feelings'. This theory was also put forward by the abbé Regnier, quoted in Beauzée: 'l'interjection … est peut-être la première voix articulée dont les hommes se sont servis'. Hence, interjections may open up the way for an ontogenetic and phylogenetic approach to the development of language. Sapir, however, negates the possibility of interjections being instinctive: he claims that '(interjections) are only superficially of an instinctive nature' and that their phonetic shape is conventional – using this as evidence that 'all of language is conventional, and no part of it instinctive'. Jespersen's also objects to the Pooh-pooh theory but he bases his assumption on a different argument: he maintains that 'the usual interjections are abrupt expressions for sudden sensations and emotions; they are therefore isolated in relation to the speech material used in the rest of the language'. Thus, his argument is that since interjections are not part of language proper, they cannot be a precursor of language. At any rate, it has been suggested that interjections represent some kind of protolanguage, which could explain the similarities between interjections across different languages. We should keep in mind, however, that although interjections are universal to all languages, they are not the same in all languages: it follows that interjections must be (at least to a certain extent) language-specific – they might show formal and/or functional similarities in some cases, though. Physiological Determinants: So let us assume that interjections are not some sort of protolanguage – how then can we account for the cross-linguistic similarities? Although de Brosses claims that interjections are not learnt but are natural expressions of a man's emotions, he also puts their universality down to physiological causes: 'toutes (interjections) tiennent immédiatement à la fabrique générale de la machine organique et au sentiment de la nature humaine, qui est partout le même dans les grands et premiers mouvements corporels'. In The Expression of Emotions in Man and Animals, Darwin also gives an explanation for interjections based on purely physiological reasons: As the sensation of disgust primarily arises in connection with the act of eating or tasting something, it is natural that its expression should consist chiefly in movements around the mouth. … With respect to the face, moderate disgust is exhibited in various ways: by the mouth being widely opened, as if to let an offensive morsel drop out; by spitting; by blowing out of the protruded lips; or by a sound as of clearing the throat. Such guttural sounds are written ach or ugh; and their utterance is sometimes accompanied by a shudder… Extreme disgust is expressed by movements round the mouth identical with those preparatory to the act of vomiting. … As the sense of smell is so intimately connected with that of taste, it is not surprising that an excessively bad odour should excite retching or vomiting in some persons, quite as readily as the thought of bad food does; and that, as a further consequence, a moderately offensive odour should cause the various expressive movements of disgust. Note that gestures, facial expressions and body language are biologically determined, hence universal. This fact might account for the resemblance between interjections of different languages, for there is a close link between gestures and the like and interjections. Taking the above extract into consideration, I can assuredly claim that the sounds produced in these circumstances can indeed resemble the English interjections of disgust, namely Phew! and Ugh!. Later on in the same work Darwin notes the following on the expression of surprise: '… whenever astonishment, surprise or amazement is felt …, our mouths are generally opened; yet the lips are often a little protruded… As a strong expiration naturally follows the deep inspiration which accompanies the first sense of startled surprise, and as the lips are often protruded, the various sounds which are then commonly uttered can apparently be accounted for … One of the commonest sounds is a deep Oh; and this would naturally follow … from the mouth being moderately opened and the lips protruded'. Oh! is the most common interjection in the English language, and it is also frequently used in many other (if not all?) languages, e.g. in the Romance languages, in German, Welsh, Russian, etc. For further comments on Oh! see chapter II.5.2.1 below. So basically, some of the primary interjections can indeed be explained by physiological attributes. These are by definition not language-specific because they are biological, hence universal. This phenomenon elucidates why interjections might have been misconceived as some sort of protolanguage. Formal Constraints: A third explanation for the similarities between interjections across different languages refers to formal constraints. To clarify this point I need to go a bit farther back. Even though interjections might not elicit a response from the hearer, they do serve nonetheless a communicative purpose: they do mean something, and this meaning is expressed orally. Now, the usage of interjections and especially which interjection is used depends on the context or circumstances and the mental process in the speaker. Different interjections have different functions which concern the hearer. Thus, interjections are an important communicative means for the processing of the common communicative system of speaker and listener. The communicative function of the interjections requires an extremely economic form: the phonetic units of interjections are of minimal complexity due to the shortness and the simple forms. Besides, their prosodic features facilitate their identification in the ongoing discourse. The argument that interjections are similar because of formal constraints is as follows: Aufgrund der formalen Erfordernisse, die durch die funktionalen Zwecke des Gesamtbereichs der Interjektion bedingt sind, bieten sich bei der Sprachbildung nicht beliebig viele Arten von Mitteln an, die diesem Zweck optimal genügen. Die Verwendung kleinster Einheiten und deren Kombinatorik ist optimal geeignet, den funktional geforderten Ökonomiebedürfnissen Rechnung zu tragen. So ist es nicht erstaunlich, dass Sprachen unterschiedlichsten Typs und ohne Rücksicht auf die Bildungsformen zu diesem Mittel der Interjektionsbildung gegriffen haben. Somit ergibt sich eine Erklärungsweise für die Übereinstimmung von Interjektionen in den verschiedenen Sprachen, die nicht auf deren 'Vorsprachlichkeit' zurückzugreifen braucht. So in principle their universality is traced back to formal constraints due to economic reasons. Tesnière observes with regard to the semantic complexity of interjections: 'certaines interjections arrivent même à exprimer des états d'âme et d'esprit si nuancés et si complexes, qu'elles en disent à elles seules plus qu'une phrase entière, et qu'il faut de longues périphrases pour en analyser et en définir le contenu sémantique'. This is another criterion for the economic aspect of interjections: they express in a clear and brief manner what is going on in the speaker's mind, and the listener can understand easily and without delay what is being expressed. All the above mentioned efforts to account for the quasi-universality of (some primary) interjections make sense to a certain extent, and I presume the truth lies somewhere in a blend between all of them. Nevertheless, I need to stress that, for the most part, interjections differ considerably cross-linguistically and are often among 'the most characteristic peculiarities of individual cultures'.
ResumenEn este artículo examino la gratitud y la ingratitud como herramientas analíticas valiosas para determinar cómo las desigualdades sociales le dan forma a las prácticas de parentesco. Acusar a un pariente de ingratitud revela los límites y las líneas de falla del parentesco, así como también expectativas estrechamente relacionadas sobre qué debe ser dado, cómo debe ser dado y cómo debe ser recibido. Como tal, este ensayo sigue la línea de una valiosa tradición antropológica de unificar los análisis del don y del parentesco. Argumento que expresiones de y discursos sobre la gratitud y la ingratitud remiten muy de cerca a dimensiones de relaciones sociales tales como el género, la generación y la clase social, y simultáneamente revelan tensiones dentro de las relaciones de parentesco donde el deber y la obligación son cuestionados. Los ejemplos etnográficos son tomados del trabajo de campo en Ayacucho, una pequeña ciudad en los Andes peruanos, donde la crianza adoptiva informal y las relaciones tensas entre hijos adultos y sus padres ancianos suministran dos esferas relacionadas de expresiones de ideas acerca de la gratitud y la ingratitud. Analizando estos dos ejemplos, argumento que la gratitud y la ingratitud son heurísticas analíticas, útiles para identificar y centrarse sobre dimensiones de relaciones que, según se entiende, caen dentro del dominio del parentesco, y son potencialmente útiles también en otros escenarios.Palabras clave: Parentesco, crianza, niñez, el don, Perú. Abstract. Towards an Anthropology of Ingratitude: Notes from Andean KinshipAccusations of ingratitude to kin reveal much about the edges and fault lines of kinship that would otherwise not be apparent. But equally, they reveal much that is unexpected about the gift – about expectations of what should be given and how it should be received. In this article, I bring together anthropological literature on the gift and on kinship in order to argue that expressions of gratitude or ingratitude index dimensions of social relations such as gender, generation, and social class, and simultaneously reveal tensions within kinship relations where duty and obligation are contested. Examples are drawn from fieldwork where informal fostering and the fraught relations between grown children and their aging parents provide arenas for analysis of expressions of gratitude and ingratitude. Analyzing these examples, I argue for gratitude as an analytical heuristic, useful to identify and focus upon dimensions of relations understood to fall within the domain of kinship, and potentially useful in other settings as well.Key words: fostering, childhood, the gift, the Andes. 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Background: Preterm birth, low birth weight, and infant catch-up growth seem associated with an increased risk of respiratory diseases in later life, but individual studies showed conflicting results. Objectives: We performed an individual participant data meta-analysis for 147,252 children of 31 birth cohort studies to determine the associations of birth and infant growth characteristics with the risks of preschool wheezing (1-4 years) and school-age asthma (5-10 years). Methods: First, we performed an adjusted 1-stage random-effect meta-analysis to assess the combined associations of gestational age, birth weight, and infant weight gain with childhood asthma. Second, we performed an adjusted 2-stage random-effect meta-analysis to assess the associations of preterm birth (gestational age <37 weeks) and low birth weight (<2500 g) with childhood asthma outcomes. Results: Younger gestational age at birth and higher infant weight gain were independently associated with higher risks of preschool wheezing and school-age asthma (P < .05). The inverse associations of birth weight with childhood asthma were explained by gestational age at birth. Compared with term-born children with normal infant weight gain, we observed the highest risks of school-age asthma in children born preterm with high infant weight gain (odds ratio [OR], 4.47; 95% CI, 2.58-7.76). Preterm birth was positively associated with an increased risk of preschool wheezing (pooled odds ratio [pOR], 1.34; 95% CI, 1.25-1.43) and school-age asthma (pOR, 1.40; 95% CI, 1.18-1.67) independent of birth weight. Weaker effect estimates were observed for the associations of low birth weight adjusted for gestational age at birth with preschool wheezing (pOR, 1.10; 95% CI, 1.00-1.21) and school-age asthma (pOR, 1.13; 95% CI, 1.01-1.27). Conclusion: Younger gestational age at birth and higher infant weight gain were associated with childhood asthma outcomes. The associations of lower birth weight with childhood asthma were largely explained by gestational age at birth. ; Per cohort. ABIS: Data used for this research was provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by JDRF-Wallenberg foundations (K 98-99D-12813-01A), the Swedish Medical Research Council (MFR; Vetenskapsrådet; K99-72X-11242-05A), the Swedish Child Diabetes Foundation (Barndiabetesfonden), and the Swedish Diabetes Association, Medical Research Council of South East Sweden (FORSS), Novo Nordisk Foundation, Prevention of Diabetes, and its Complications Strategic Area-LiU. ALSPAC: We are extremely grateful to all the families who took part in the study, the midwives for their help in recruiting them, and the whole ALSPAC team, which includes interviewers, computer and laboratory technicians, clerical workers, research scientists, volunteers, managers, receptionist, and nurses. The UK Medical Research Council and the Wellcome Trust (grant reference 092731) and the University of Bristol provide core support for ALSPAC. BILD: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of the Swiss National Science Foundation; the European Respiratory Society (ERS); the Austrian, German and Swiss Paediatric respiratory Society; and the Swiss Governmental Anti-Tobacco Fund. CONER: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of the Italian ministry of health. COPSAC: COPSAC is funded by private and public research funds listed on www.copsac.com. The Lundbeck Foundation, the Danish Strategic Research Council, the Pharmacy Foundation of 1991, the Augustinus Foundation, the Danish Medical Research Council, and the Danish Pediatric Asthma Centre provided the core support for the COPSAC research center. No pharmaceutical company was involved in the study. The funding agencies did not have any role in design and conduct of the study; collection, management, and interpretation of the data; or preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript. CZECH: Data used for this research was provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of the Ministry of Environment of the Czech Republic (SP/1b3/8/08). DNBC: The Danish National Research Foundation has established the Danish Epidemiology Science Centre that initiated and created the Danish National Birth Cohort. The cohort is furthermore a result of a major grant from this foundation. Additional support for the Danish National Birth Cohort is obtained from the Pharmacy Foundation, the Egmont Foundation, the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation, and the Augustinus Foundation. EDEN: We acknowledge all the funding sources for the EDEN study: Fondation pour la Recherche Médicale (FRM), the French Ministry of Research: IFR program, the INSERM Nutrition Research program, the French Ministry of Health Perinatality Program, the French Agency for Environment security (AFFSET), the French National Institute for Population Health Surveillance (INVS), Paris-Sud University, the French National Institute for Health Education (INPES), Nestlé, Mutuelle Générale de l'Education Nationale {MGEN), the French-speaking Association for the Study of Diabetes and Metabolism (Alfediam), and the National Agency for Research (ANR). GASPII: Data used for this research was provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of the Italian Ministry of Health, 2001. GECKO Drenthe: The GECKO Drenthe cohort is supported and funded by an unrestricted grant from Hutchison Whampoa, the University of Groningen, and Well Baby Clinic Foundation Icare. GENERATION R: The Generation R Study is made possible by financial support from the Erasmus Medical Center, Rotterdam; the Erasmus University Rotterdam; and the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development. The researchers are independent from the funders. The study sponsors had no role in study design, data analysis, interpretation of data, or writing of this report. Additional support was available from the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (VIDI) and the Dutch Asthma Foundation. GENERATION XXI: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of the Programa Operacional de Saúde–Saúde XXI, Quadro Comunitário de Apoio III (FEDER), the Northern Regional Administration of Health, the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (PTDC/SAUESA/105033/2008), and the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. HUMIS: The research leading to these results has received funding from the Norwegian Research Council under grant agreement 213148 (MILPAAHEL) and the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013), project Early Nutrition under grant agreement number 289346, and project OBELIX under grant agreement number 22739. INMA: Gipuzkoa/Sabadell/Valencia/Menorca Data used for this research were provided by the INMA–Environment and Childhood Project (www.proyectoinma.org), which is supported in part by funds. This study was funded by grants from Instituto de Salud Carlos III (Red INMA G03/176 and CB06/02/0041), the Spanish Ministry of Health (FIS- PI041436, PI042018, PI06/0867 PI07/0252, PI081151, and PI09/02311,and FIS-FEDER 03/1615, 04/1509, 04/1112, 04/1931, 05/1079, 05/1052, 06/1213, 07/0314, and 09/02647), Generalitat de Catalunya-CIRIT 1999SGR 00241, the Conselleria de Sanitat Generalitat Valenciana, the Department of Health of the Basque Government (2005111093 and 2009111069), the Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa (DFG06/004 and DFG08/001), Obra Social Cajastur, Universidad de Oviedo, the EU Commission (QLK4-1999-01422, QLK4-2002-00603 and CONTAMED FP7-ENV-212502), Consejería de Salud de la Junta de Andalucía (grant number 183/07), and Fundació Roger Torné. ISLE OF WIGHT: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of the National Institute of Health, the British Medical Association, and David Hide Asthma and Allergy Research Centre Trustees. KOALA: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds from the Netherlands Asthma Foundation (grant nos. 3.2.03.48 and 3.2.07.022). LEICESTER 1990/1998: Data used for this research were provided by the Leicester Cohort Studies, which are supported by funds from Asthma UK (grant no. 07/048), the Swiss National Science Foundation (grant no. 32003B-144068), the Wellcome Trust, and many others. LIFEWAYS: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of the Health Research Board, Republic of Ireland. MAS: Data for this research question were obtained by the study centre of the cohort study. The Multicentre Allergy Study (1990) was supported by grants from the German Federal Ministry for Education and Research (BMBF) under reference numbers 07015633, 07 ALE 27, 01EE9405/5, and 01EE9406.NINFEA: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of Compagnia di SanPaolo Foundation, Piedmont Region, and the Italian Ministry of University and Research. PCB: Data used for this research was provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds from National Institutes of Health grant R01-CA096525 and EU project OBELIX (no. 227391). PIAMA: The PIAMA study has been funded by the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development; the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research; the Netherlands Asthma Fund; the Netherlands Ministry of Spatial Planning, Housing, and the Environment; and the Netherlands Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport. REPRO PL: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds from the National Center for Research and Development, Poland (grant no. PBZ-MEiN-/8/2//2006; contract no. K140/P01/2007/1.3.1.1.) and grant PNRF-218-AI-1/07 from Norway through the Norwegian Financial Mechanism within the Polish-Norwegian Research Fund. RHEA: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds of European Commission. SEATON: Data used for this research were provided by the university, which is supported in part by funds from Asthma UK and the Medical Research Council. SWS: The Southampton Women's Survey is supported by grants from the Medical Research Council, the British Heart Foundation, the Food Standards Agency, the British Lung Foundation, Arthritis Research UK, NIHR Southampton Biomedical Research Centre, the University of Southampton and University Hospital Southampton NHS Foundation Trust, and the Commission of the European Community, specific RTD Programme "Quality of Life and Management of Living Resources," within the 7th Framework Programme, research grant no. FP7/2007-13 (Early Nutrition Project). This manuscript does not necessarily reflect the views of the funders and in no way anticipates the future policy in this area. WHISTLER: Data used for this research were provided by the Cohort Study, which is supported in part by funds from the Netherlands Organization for health Research and Development (ZON-MW), the University Medical Center Utrecht, and an unrestricted research grant from GlaxoSmithKline, The Netherlands
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
Vladimir Putin is putting a brave face on Russia's downward economic spiral. To survive, he has gone back to core economic principles. Unfortunately, most of them date back to the Soviet Union and entail nationalization, which future leaders will find difficult to unwind.Putin's Perspective on the Role of the StateRussia's economic turnaround depends in large part on a series of large national projects centered on technology, the family, young people, transportation, business development, and the creation of a new cadre of workers. All this was outlined in Putin's annual state-of-the-nation address, delivered on February 29. The cost is estimated at 17 trillion rubles, with all financing coming from the Russian state. One is reminded of the Five-Year Plans of yesteryear, except that the time frame for Putin's national projects is six years. So we will have to wait until 2026 to find out what actually was achieved.So central planning is back in business in the Russian Federation. But not to worry: the rest of the country is primed for new investment. Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin wants to increase the number of economic zones in Russia, which will receive various tax breaks and other incentives to spur regional investment.But where will the investment come from? Energy revenues are down significantly, thanks to sanctions, and Ukraine's successful drone attacks on Russian energy terminals has led to a reduction of exports by 40 percent. Bankruptcies are up. Russia's gasoline exports have also been suspended for six months to satisfy domestic demand. And one can forget about foreign investment. Putin has nationalized several foreign companies and given them to his cronies. My favorite "lucky" recipient is head of the Chechen Republic Ramzan Kadyrov's thirty-two-year-old nephew, who just became the head of Danone's Russian operations. The Russian government actually forced the sale, at a substantial discount. No wonder Russian business is worried about the future consequences of deprivatization, which will take years (if ever) to unwind and overcome. Nevertheless, Putin remains optimistic. He wants to lower the level of poverty by 7 percent by 2030. He has further guaranteed that Russia will become the fourth largest economy in the world. Not to be outdone, the Speaker of the State Duma, Vyacheslav Volodin, insists that despite sanctions, Russia remains one of the main economies in Europe.Magical Economic Thinking Meets RealityThe year of magical economic thinking continues as well. Russia has dredged up some statistics that don't past the laugh test. For example, the Central Bank proclaimed that the Russian business climate grew to its maximum level for the last twelve years. Putin also touts that the BRICS have a larger portion of the global economy than the G7 countries. Alas, Putin was not able to attend the annual meeting in Johannesburg. His indictment by the International Criminal Court (the ICC) on child abduction meant that South African authorities would have to arrest him if he entered the country. Meanwhile, Russia claims that it has dramatically narrowed its budget deficit, but more government spending lies just around the corner. According to Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, the government plans to write off two-thirds of the debts of Russia's regions, to the tune of 1 trillion rubles. But not to worry: Putin has announced that he will reduce imports to the levels of the Soviet Union (a dubious benchmark) to support local business.The only person who evidently understands the state of the economy is the head of the Russian Central Bank, Elvira Nabiullina. She has made dealing with inflation her primary goal, but to reach this goal, interest rates remain at a whopping 16 percent. She has further noted that if she were to change this policy, the real income growth for Russians would suffer significantly.All of these economic costs are only exacerbated by the ongoing war in Ukraine. Equipment losses have been staggering, with major losses of tanks, ships, and infrastructure. The irony is that Russia placed great emphasis on being a naval power, especially in the Black Sea. Russia reportedly has lost between twenty-five and thirty warships, although Putin just announced a plan to rebuild the Russian fleet without foreign technology. And finally, no national project on the family will be able to replace the reported 300,000-plus losses that Russia has incurred on the battlefield, which will simply add more years to its long demographic crisis. All of these losses have a knock-on effect on Russia's soft power, especially in its former back yard. Russia recently complained that Kazakhstan has not done enough to alleviate the massive flooding in the bordering Orenburg region, with no subsequent reply. Kazakhstan reportedly is considering rendering military aid to Ukraine. But in the ultimate snub of Russia's (and the Soviet Union's) most sacred holiday, Astana announced that it will not observe the May 9Victory in Europe Day for the third straight year. Despite these setbacks, Putin continues to contemplate grand projects without considering the cost. For example, Putin has once again proposed building a bridge that would connect the Russian mainland to Sakhalin for an estimated 600 billion rubles ($6.4 billion). Russia has also decided to go it alone to address shortages of pharmaceuticals and other essential products. In turn, Russia, the great energy power, has now prohibited exports of gasoline for six months to address domestic needs.Finally, there is the question of all that cash frozen in European and American banks, estimated to value some $300 billion and more. Both the EU and the United States are eyeing these funds for reparations and rebuilding Ukraine. The bottom line is that this money is not returning to Russia anytime soon. Putin keeps blaming everyone but himself for Russia's economic problems. Putin further regularly asserts that he wants to advance Russia's technological development, but how can this happen when Russian scientist keep getting arrested on spurious charges of treason?In lieu of a prediction, I will close on the immortal words of the Nobel Prize–winning economist Herbert Stein: If something cannot go on forever, it will stop.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
Vladimir Putin is putting a brave face on Russia's downward economic spiral. To survive, he has gone back to core economic principles. Unfortunately, most of them date back to the Soviet Union and entail nationalization, which future leaders will find difficult to unwind.Putin's Perspective on the Role of the StateRussia's economic turnaround depends in large part on a series of large national projects centered on technology, the family, young people, transportation, business development, and the creation of a new cadre of workers. All this was outlined in Putin's annual state-of-the-nation address, delivered on February 29. The cost is estimated at 17 trillion rubles, with all financing coming from the Russian state. One is reminded of the Five-Year Plans of yesteryear, except that the time frame for Putin's national projects is six years. So we will have to wait until 2026 to find out what actually was achieved.So central planning is back in business in the Russian Federation. But not to worry: the rest of the country is primed for new investment. Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin wants to increase the number of economic zones in Russia, which will receive various tax breaks and other incentives to spur regional investment.But where will the investment come from? Energy revenues are down significantly, thanks to sanctions, and Ukraine's successful drone attacks on Russian energy terminals has led to a reduction of exports by 40 percent. Bankruptcies are up. Russia's gasoline exports have also been suspended for six months to satisfy domestic demand. And one can forget about foreign investment. Putin has nationalized several foreign companies and given them to his cronies. My favorite "lucky" recipient is head of the Chechen Republic Ramzan Kadyrov's thirty-two-year-old nephew, who just became the head of Danone's Russian operations. The Russian government actually forced the sale, at a substantial discount. No wonder Russian business is worried about the future consequences of deprivatization, which will take years (if ever) to unwind and overcome. Nevertheless, Putin remains optimistic. He wants to lower the level of poverty by 7 percent by 2030. He has further guaranteed that Russia will become the fourth largest economy in the world. Not to be outdone, the Speaker of the State Duma, Vyacheslav Volodin, insists that despite sanctions, Russia remains one of the main economies in Europe.Magical Economic Thinking Meets RealityThe year of magical economic thinking continues as well. Russia has dredged up some statistics that don't past the laugh test. For example, the Central Bank proclaimed that the Russian business climate grew to its maximum level for the last twelve years. Putin also touts that the BRICS have a larger portion of the global economy than the G7 countries. Alas, Putin was not able to attend the annual meeting in Johannesburg. His indictment by the International Criminal Court (the ICC) on child abduction meant that South African authorities would have to arrest him if he entered the country. Meanwhile, Russia claims that it has dramatically narrowed its budget deficit, but more government spending lies just around the corner. According to Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, the government plans to write off two-thirds of the debts of Russia's regions, to the tune of 1 trillion rubles. But not to worry: Putin has announced that he will reduce imports to the levels of the Soviet Union (a dubious benchmark) to support local business.The only person who evidently understands the state of the economy is the head of the Russian Central Bank, Elvira Nabiullina. She has made dealing with inflation her primary goal, but to reach this goal, interest rates remain at a whopping 16 percent. She has further noted that if she were to change this policy, the real income growth for Russians would suffer significantly.All of these economic costs are only exacerbated by the ongoing war in Ukraine. Equipment losses have been staggering, with major losses of tanks, ships, and infrastructure. The irony is that Russia placed great emphasis on being a naval power, especially in the Black Sea. Russia reportedly has lost between twenty-five and thirty warships, although Putin just announced a plan to rebuild the Russian fleet without foreign technology. And finally, no national project on the family will be able to replace the reported 300,000-plus losses that Russia has incurred on the battlefield, which will simply add more years to its long demographic crisis. All of these losses have a knock-on effect on Russia's soft power, especially in its former back yard. Russia recently complained that Kazakhstan has not done enough to alleviate the massive flooding in the bordering Orenburg region, with no subsequent reply. Kazakhstan reportedly is considering rendering military aid to Ukraine. But in the ultimate snub of Russia's (and the Soviet Union's) most sacred holiday, Astana announced that it will not observe the May 9Victory in Europe Day for the third straight year. Despite these setbacks, Putin continues to contemplate grand projects without considering the cost. For example, Putin has once again proposed building a bridge that would connect the Russian mainland to Sakhalin for an estimated 600 billion rubles ($6.4 billion). Russia has also decided to go it alone to address shortages of pharmaceuticals and other essential products. In turn, Russia, the great energy power, has now prohibited exports of gasoline for six months to address domestic needs.Finally, there is the question of all that cash frozen in European and American banks, estimated to value some $300 billion and more. Both the EU and the United States are eyeing these funds for reparations and rebuilding Ukraine. The bottom line is that this money is not returning to Russia anytime soon. Putin keeps blaming everyone but himself for Russia's economic problems. Putin further regularly asserts that he wants to advance Russia's technological development, but how can this happen when Russian scientist keep getting arrested on spurious charges of treason?In lieu of a prediction, I will close on the immortal words of the Nobel Prize–winning economist Herbert Stein: If something cannot go on forever, it will stop.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.
This is a first for Indonesia: Program Keluarga Harapan (PKH) is the only household-targeted social assistance initiative to have designed randomized impact evaluation into the initial allocation of the program. This brings three major benefits for policymakers: 1) the evidence available for evaluating the impacts of the PKH program on household welfare is extensive and sound; 2) the program design and the impact analysis design have generated additional excitement, both nationally and internationally, about the program, its goals and social assistance initiatives in general; and 3) the results and underlying data will be made publicly available, which has already spurred interest in additional evaluations that will stock the shelves of social assistance policy research libraries. PKH's success in delivering real benefits to the very poor and in changing behaviors deserves further support and encouragement. PKH's initial weaknesses in implementation and delivery deserve continuing attention and thoughtful solutions for greater effectiveness. The Government of Indonesia (GOI) plans on expanding the PKH program to as many as three million households; while it is doing so, it should continue to refine implementation, coordinate and collaborate with affiliated service providers in health, education, and local government services, and continue developing a corps of organized, enthusiastic, and skilled facilitators who can assist very poor households in achieving healthier behaviors.
This study examines the determinants of adolescent sexual behavior and fertility in Nigeria, with a special focus on knowledge, attitudes and behaviors of adolescents aged 10-19 years old in Karu Local Government Authority (LGA), a peri-urban area near the capital city of Abuja. Using the last three waves of Demographic and Health Surveys (2003, 2008, 2013), focus group discussions, stakeholder interviews, and a specialized survey of 643 girls and boys aged 10-19 years old in Karu LGA, the study narrows in on key challenges to and opportunities for improving adolescent sexual and reproductive health outcomes. The national median age at sexual debut for adolescent girls and boys is between 15 and 16 years of age. This is closely emulated in Karu LGA with a median age of 14.8 years for girls and 15.3 years for boys. While data on pregnancies was limited in the Karu sample, DHS data show that for girls, sexual debut is closely associated with marriage or cohabitation, which in turn is a strong predictor of adolescent fertility. Poverty is another strong predictor, with the odds of becoming pregnant being twice as high for adolescents in the lower wealth quintiles compared to their counterparts in the richest quintile in the country. While adolescents' knowledge of contraception has increased from under 10 percent to over 30 percent, use of health services among adolescents for SRH (and contraception) is limited due to factors such as fear of stigma, embarrassment, and poor access to services, something also emphasized in focus group discussions. Challenges for improving adolescent SRH outcomes relate to: (i) the paucity of data, especially on the 10-14 year olds; (ii) availability and access to youth-friendly services and the Family Life and HIV Education (FLHE); (iii) reaching out-of-school adolescents with SRH information; and (iv) addressing ambiguities and gaps in Federal law and customs on age at marriage, and generating support for the legal age at marriage of at least 18 years old. Addressing these barriers at the State and sub-regional levels is going to be critical in improving adolescent well-being.
Infrastructure has contributed significantly to the growth of West African economies during the past decade. In Sierra Leone, infrastructure added only around 0.51 percentage points to the per capita growth rate over 2003-07. Similarly to other countries in the region and the rest of the continent, the boost to historic growth came predominately from the ICT (Information and Telecommunications Technology) revolution while power-sector deficiencies and poor roads held back growth. After nine years of peace, economic activity is flourishing at every level in Sierra Leone. Political stability, high government accountability, good governance standards, and streamlined tax reform helped Sierra Leone to become a bright success story, turning the country into the easiest and quickest place to start business in West Africa. Sierra Leone's image in the eyes of investors is strengthened as the country ranked as one of the top five countries in Africa for investor protection. Looking ahead, the country faces a number of critical infrastructure challenges. Perhaps the most daunting of these challenges lies in the power sector, the poor state of which retards development of other sectors. Access to power is very low, at around 1 to 5 percent in urban areas, and is nonexistent in the countryside. The country's installed power-generation capacity is around 13 megawatts per million people, which is lower than what other low-income and fragile states have installed. The entire existing power infrastructure is concentrated in the western part of the country, and even with the functioning of the Bumbuna power plant, only half the suppressed demand for Freetown, let alone that for the rest of the country, is being met. Regardless of recent reduction in tariffs, Sierra Leoneans still pay some of the highest tariffs in Africa. In 2010, Sierra Leoneans paid three times as much for power as did residents of African countries that relied on hydropower. Making investments in more cost-effective power generation options is therefore an important strategic objective for Sierra Leone, without which further electrification will simply be unaffordable for the wider population.
Female labor force participation rate in Turkey is quite low by European Union (EU) and Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) standards: it was 24.9 percent in 2006, compared to 66.1 percent in EU-27 and 60.8 percent in OECD countries. Moreover, it has declined from 34.3 percent in 1988 to 24.9 percent in 2006. The purpose of this report is to shed light on factors that determine women's participation in the labor market and the reasons behind the observed trends over the 1988-2006 periods. An important reason for the fall in female participation rate is urbanization. Turkey has witnessed high levels migration from rural to urban areas since 1988. The share of urban population rose from 51.1 percent in 1988 to 63.3 percent in 2006. Despite the declining trend, the female labor force participation rate in rural areas is still higher than that in urban areas, which has been more stable over time. In fact, the gender gap in participation rate in urban areas is much wider. Significant improvements have taken in place in women's schooling in recent decades in Turkey. The final interesting finding that requires further investigation is the low and stagnant participation rates of low skilled women - those with less than high school education. Over the 2000-2006 periods, the participation rate of low skilled women varied between 10.9 and 11.8 percent. These are considerably lower rates compared to that of low skilled men which, over the same time period, varied between 67.1 and 68.8 percent.
