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A significant outcome of the revolution in the writing of Irish economic and social history in the 1960s and 1970s was the development among historians of a sceptical approach to contemporary pamphlets. With pamphleteers' comments on social and economic conditions no longer regarded as reliable, historians became reluctant to use the pamphlet literature. Now, almost half a century later, it is time to ask whether this scepticism has been carried too far. This article reassesses the value of contemporary pamphlets to the historian by analysing the political and economic pamphlets of the period between 1727 and 1749 in the context of other contemporary comment and practical political action. Using the correspondence of various leading political figures and the legislative record of the Irish parliament, the article seeks to evaluate the potential of the pamphlet literature as a guide to the preoccupations of the political elite and wider contemporary society. The article also re-examines the relationship between pamphlets and the political and economic realities, asking whether the pamphlet literature provides a better refection of contemporary political and economic trends than has previously been acknowledged.

The study of the history of working-class life in America underwent a major transformation in the 1970s. Moving beyond labor history's earlier institutional paradigm, with its focus on union structures and leaders, the New Labor History expanded its reach into new territories of working-class culture and community, to the point that the field today is generally referred to as Labor and Working-Class History. Working People of Philadelphia is a salient example of work that pushed the traditional boundaries of labor history. In it, Bruce Laurie explores the complexities of working-class life in antebellum Philadelphia beyond memberships in institutions or unions. He illuminates a period of working-class history that is relatively little understood, examining both formal and informal activities derived from traditions and experiences outside the orbit of industrialization and analyzing the role played by the diversity of cultural lifestyles. As such, Working People of Philadelphia is both an important labor history and a major contribution to the history of Philadelphia.

"This book focuses on why the diffusion of the political theology of royal wisdom created 'Solomonic' princes with intellectual interests all around the medieval West and how these learned rulers changed the face of western Europe through their policies and the cultural power of medieval monarchy. Princely wisdom narratives have been seen simply as a tool of royal propaganda in the Middle Ages but these narratives were much more than propaganda, being rather a coherent ideology which transformed princely courts, shaped mentalities, and influenced key political decisions. This cultural power of medieval monarchy was channelled mainly through princely patronage of learning and the arts, but the rise of administrative monarchy and its bureaucracy are equally related to these policies. This can only be understood through a cultural approach to the history of medieval politics, that is, a history of the relationship between knowledge and power in the Middle Ages, a topic much analysed regarding the medieval Church but sometimes neglected in the princely sphere. This volume is a study supplies an important comparative study of the reception in princely courts of a key aspect of European medieval civilization: the ideal of Christian sapiential rulership and its corollary, rationality in government. This volume is essential reading to for students and scholars interested in understanding the medieval roots of the cultural process which gave rise to the modern state"--

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Contributors -- Foreword -- List of Acronyms -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction: Italy and Libya: A Historical Perspective of a Mediterranean Relationship -- Part 1 Italy and Libya: From Liberal Colonialism to Fascism -- 1 Tripolitania and Cyrenaica in Liberal Italy's Foreign Policy -- 2 History of a Minority, Not a Minor History: The Maltese Community in Tripoli from the Liberal Age to Fascism -- 3 From the 'Riconquista' to the Normalization: Fascism and Libya -- 4 The Demographic Colonization in Libya (1926-1940) -- 5 If the Monument Could Speak: Jewish Italian Imaginaries Across the Mediterranean -- Part 2 Italy and Independent Libya: Building a 'Special Relationship' -- 6 Pietro Quaroni, Italian Diplomacy and the Libyan Issue (1945-1949) -- 7 Republican Italy and the Senussi Monarchy (1951-1969) -- 8 Aldo Moro, Italian Diplomacy and Gaddafi's Rise to Power (1969-1978) -- 9 The Silent Friend. Eni and Gaddafi's libya. An Interpretation -- 10 From Troublemaker to Strategic Partner: Gaddafi and the West -- 11 Two Great Friends. Berlusconi and Gaddafi (1994-2011) -- Part 3 Fragmented Libya: Trying to Save the Italian and European Influences -- 12 Libya's Arab Spring and Italy's Post-Uprising Influence -- 13 Italy and the Disintegration of the Libyan State -- 14 A New State-Building Process for Libya? Italy and the International Community (2011-2021) -- Index of Names.

This book follows those who were displaced to the Third Reich back to the Soviet Union after the victory over Germany. At the end of World War II, millions of people from Soviet lands were living as refugees outside the borders of the USSR. Most had been forced laborers and prisoners of war, deported to the Third Reich to work as racial inferiors in a crushing environment. Seth Bernstein reveals the secret history of repatriation, the details of the journey, and the new identities, prospects, and dangers for migrants that were created by the tumult of war. He uses official and personal sources from declassified holdings in post-Soviet archives, more than one hundred oral history interviews, and transnational archival material. Most notably, he makes extensive use of secret police files declassified only after the Maidan Revolution in Ukraine in 2014. The stories described in Return to the Motherland reveal not only how the USSR grappled with the aftermath of war but also the universality of Stalinism's refugee crisis. While arrest was not guaranteed, persecution was ubiquitous. Within Soviet society, returnees met with a cold reception that demanded hard labor as payment for perceived disloyalty, soldiers perpetrated rape against returning Soviet women, and ordinary people avoided contact with repatriates, fearing arrest as traitors and spies. As Bernstein describes, Soviet displacement presented a challenge to social order and the opportunity to rebuild the country as a great power after a devastating war.

Across Europe the late nineteenth century marked a period of rapid economic change, increased migration, religious conflict, and inter-state competition. In Germany, these developments were further accentuated by the creation of the imperial state in 1870-1871, and the conflicting hopes and expectations it provoked. Attempting to make sense of this turbulent period of German history, historians have frequently reverted to terms such as industrialization, urbanization, nation-formation, modernity or modernization. Using the prism of comparative urban history, Oliver Zimmer highlights the limitations of these conceptual abstractions and challenges the separation of local and national approaches to the past. He shows how men and women drew on their creative energies to instigate change at various levels.Focusing on conflicts over the local economy and elementary schools, as well as on nationalist and religious processions, Remaking the Rhythms of Life examines how urban residents sought to regain a sense of place in a changing world - less by resisting the novel than by reconfiguring their environments in ways that reflected their sensibilities and aspirations; less by lamenting the decline of civic virtues than by creating surroundings that proved sufficiently meaningful to sustain lives. In their capacity as consumers, citizens, and members of religious or economic associations, people embarked on a multitude of journeys. As they did, larger phenomena such as religion, nationalism, and the state became intertwined with their everyday affairs and concerns.

"This book aims to reconceptualise the Graeco-Roman military phenomenon of the 'war cry'; the term itself is inadequate for defining an ancient military practice that has been misrepresented in modern media and understudied by contemporary scholars. Gersbach introduces the term and paradigm 'battle expression' to replace 'war cry', which acknowledges the variety of undertakings, visual and sonic, that military forces from the Graeco-Roman world presented on the battlefield either before, during or after battle. The 'battle expression' was sophisticated in nature; it could include significant cultural song or dance that required high levels of rehearsal and execution. Conversely, battle expression types demonstrated spontaneous wit and humour on the part of a military force that aimed to capitalize on the experiences of a battle. These performances served a variety of purposes outside of instilling group cohesion among the participants and to intimidate the onlooking enemy. This book associates the psychological dimension of warfare, religious identity, and military strategy supported by the High Command to this practice. In addition, the author draws comparisons with later historical periods, as well as the actions of modern-day European football supporters in stadiums, to reconstruct the atmosphere created by ancient military forces on the battlefield. The War Cry in the Graeco-Roman World is suitable for students and scholars of Classical Studies, particularly those interested in ancient warfare and military history, as well as those studying the history of warfare more broadly"--

For many intellectual historians, presentism is viewed as a cardinal sin—linked to unreflective anachronism and the inappropriate projection of present-day values onto a very different past context. However, by embracing the ways in which the present inevitably shapes our modes of inquiry, our historical interests, and even the moral underpinnings of our analysis, we can find in the present tools that can make our history better, and help make sense of historical debates and controversies. This essay gives an account of Japanese historiography organized around four versions of presentism. The first is political presentism, an analytic lens that emerged in the "objectivity debate" over what constituted politicized scholarship and reflected the political antagonisms of the Cold War in Asia. Consciously or unconsciously, political convictions shape our scholarship. The second version is the presentism of social context. Each decade that followed the Asia–Pacific War possessed its particular zeitgeist, and histories written during those moments were products of their time. The third form of presentism is the connection between past and present via analogy or likeness: using a past event or person to understand the present and vice versa. To analogize past and present means finding a correspondence that makes the past feel familiar and less "other." The fourth version of presentism is the project of contemporary history: the past in the present, the past leading to the present, the present as the starting point for historical inquiry.

Historical epistemology is a form of intellectual history focused on "the history of categories that structure our thought, pattern our arguments and proofs, and certify our standards for explanation" (Lorraine Daston). Under this umbrella, historians have been studying the changing meanings of "objectivity," "impartiality," "curiosity," and other virtues believed to be conducive to good scholarship. While endorsing this historicization of virtues and their corresponding vices, the present article argues that the meaning and relative importance of these virtues and vices can only be determined if their mutual dependencies are taken into account. Drawing on a detailed case study—a controversy that erupted among nineteenth-century orientalists over the publication of R. P. A. Dozy'sDe Israëlieten te Mekka(The Israelites in Mecca) (1864)—the paper shows that nineteenth-century orientalists were careful to examine (1) the degree to which Dozy practiced the virtues they considered most important, (2) the extent to which these virtues were kept in balance by other ones, (3) the extent to which these virtues were balanced by other scholars' virtues, and (4) the extent to which they were expected to be balanced by future scholars' work. Consequently, this article argues that historical epistemology might want to abandon its single-virtue focus in order to allow balances, hierarchies, and other dependency relations between virtues and vices to move to the center of attention.

According to Michel de Certeau, distance is the indispensable prerequisite for historical knowledge and the very characteristic of modern historiography. The historian speaks, in the present, about the absent, the dead, as Certeau labels the past, thus emphasizing the performative dimension of historical writing: "the function of language is to introduce through saying what can no longer be done." As a consequence, the heterogeneity of two non-communicating temporalities becomes the challenge to be faced: the present of the historian, as a moment du savoir, is radically separated from the past, which exists only as an objet de savoir, the meaning of which can be restored by an operation of distantiation and contextualization. In Evidence de l'histoire: Ce que voient les historiens, François Hartog takes up the question of history writing and what is visible, or more precisely the modalities historians have employed to narrate the past, opening up the way to a reflection on the boundaries between the visible and the invisible: the mechanisms that have contributed to establish these boundaries over time, and the questions that have legitimized the survey of what has been seen or not seen. But, as Mark Phillips points out, it is the very ubiquity of the trope of distance in historical writings that has paradoxically rendered it almost invisible to historians, so that "it has become difficult to distinguish between the concept of historical distance and the idea of history itself."

"One book is a book, two books is a trend," goes an old adage in publishing. And what of three books? The 2012 publication of Angus Burgin's The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression and Daniel Stedman Jones's Masters of the Universe: Hayek, Friedman, and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics, together with the 2011 publication of Nicholas Wapshott's Keynes Hayek: The Clash That Defined Modern Economics, suggests that the intellectual history of conservatism is not merely a trend, but an interest that is here to stay. At least the study of free markets, that is, for the books under consideration here focus more on conservative economic ideas than on religious or cultural ideals, capturing the intellectual history of free markets in the twentieth century through the Mont Pelerin Society, transatlantic policy, and the debate between John Maynard Keynes and Friedrich Hayek. While remarkably similar in subject and source, these are three different books, distinguished from each other in interpretation, execution, and focus. All three, however, display a similar temperament, assessing conservative ideas in an evenhanded if not overtly sympathetic tone suggesting that scholars have finally found a shared register through which to consider the most controversial and politically consequential ideas of the late twentieth century. They also converge upon a perhaps surprising synthesis, positioning free-market thought not only at the interstices of America and Europe, but between and across left and right, conservative and liberal.