Suchergebnisse

Une ample majorité a ratifié, en octobre 1968, le changement de nom de la C.I.S.C, ouvrant ainsi la porte à l'humanisme non religieux.
La nouvelle Confédération mondiale du travail espère trouver une expansion dans le Tiers-Monde. Elle sera en compétition serrée avec la Fédération syndicale mondiale et la Confédération internationale des syndicats libres, mais sa vocation est justement d'être une troisième force du syndicalisme mondial, indépendante des blocs.

The study presents a comparative analysis of model standards for project development and explores forward-looking options for voluntary peatland carbon engagement, including through integration into regulated carbon markets, notably the emerging offset market for international aviation ("CORSIA"), and the flexibility instruments enshrined in the Paris Agreement. The study is structured in a context chapter; a detailed comparative assessment of different standards that permit (or may permit) the implementation of peatland projects; in terms of environmental integrity and transaction and market aspects; recommendations for voluntary standards concerning the creation of a model peatland standard and for governments to support voluntary peatland developments; as well as an option assessment for the integration of a model peatland standard into the regulated schemes of the International Organization of Civil Aviation (ICAO) and of the Paris Agreement. Recommendations for peatland standards focus on simplification options within the carbon cycle, implementation methods for small and micro-scale projects, design options that allow project implementation for short- and mid-term durations, and robust instruments to address double counting issues. Recommendations for governments focus on the development of domestic support mechanisms for voluntary carbon project development as well as on the option to create international action groups on peatland and climate engagement, taking existing action groups in other mitigation sectors as a model.

AbstractMost of the research on transnational advocacy networks documents progressive, voluntary movements, motivated by values associate with human rights and public goods. There is little critical reflection on the role of corporations within such networks or on the material motivations behind movements. Meanwhile literature on corporate political strategies related to partnerships with civil society is limited to national level analysis. This article presents a case study of the International Coalition Against Plain Packaging, which is conceptualized as a transnational advocacy network, and documents its links to the tobacco industry. We find that, not only have tobacco companies provided network members – publicly presented and perceived as independent – with financial resources, but they have also been involved in producing the information used by the network to debate the benefits of plain packaging. In return, the tobacco industry is able to propagate ideas favorable to its interests through organizations perceived as legitimate experts, and to maintain a network of allies ready to counter tobacco control regulations when and where they arise. Considering the multiple benefits corporations might derive from engaging with transnational advocacy networks, there is need for greater research on private actors' influence within advocacy networks and on those networks that aim to counter or advance alternatives to progressive ideals.

People with dementia and their caregivers are often isolated due to the stigma attached to the disease. Stigma can also discourage people from seeking health services resulting in the delayed diagnosis and timely treatment of dementia. Indeed, dementia-related stigma is being increasingly acknowledged by governments and policymakers around the world as an important public health issue and one of the priority areas in dementia research. For example, Alzheimer's Disease International published a report solely focusing on dementia stigma in 2012, highlighting the need to reduce the stigma. However, despite the known negative effects of stigma and the need to reduce it, there is very limited research investigating dementia-related stigma and strategies to address the stigma. This symposium aims to shed light on dementia-related stigma and draw attention to this important issue. The first paper in this session will address dementia-related stigma amongst Australians and its effects on help-seeking intentions (Kim). The second paper will examine the effect of dementia-related stigma on a minority ethnic Korean group in the USA (Casado). The third paper will present the results of an online module developed to promote social inclusion and combat stigma in the UK (Downs). The fourth paper will explore the effectiveness of intergenerational schools project addressing dementia-related stigma in the UK (Evans). Lastly, the fifth paper will address stigma in psychosocial dementia research (Vernooij-Dassen).

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of career satisfaction of professional accounting returnees who have studied and/or worked abroad and then returned to work in different types of international workplaces in their home country.Design/methodology/approachA survey of professional accounting returnees in Vietnam was undertaken and multiple regression analysis was applied to test the proposed relationships.FindingsThis study finds that career satisfaction is affected by career fit, career sacrifice, types of international workplaces (domestically headquartered firms versus globally headquartered firms) and cross-cultural work readjustment. Further, cross-cultural work readjustment partially mediates the effect of career fit and career sacrifice on career satisfaction.Practical implicationsThe research provides the basis for designing career-related employee experiences to support career satisfaction of professional accounting returnees.Originality/valueThis study integrates dimensions of career embeddedness with cross-cultural work readjustment and employee experiences, which are normally studied separately, in different types of international workplaces. It contributes to the limited research on contributors to well-being in the form of career satisfaction among professional returnees in an emerging economy.

Since the publication of Nudge by Thaler and Sunstein (2008) behavioural public policies and nudge units have been widely adopted right across the world, which has resulted in many improvements to the delivery of public policies, such as better tax collection, increased access of young people to education opportunities, and more charitable giving. This paper asks what explains the adoption of nudge units and related initiatives. In particular, are Anglo–American or West European countries the focus for adoption? Are these interventions more likely to appear under left, right, or centre-dominated governments? Ascertaining the origins of nudge can adjudicate the extent to which nudge is partial project, based on the dominance of liberal economies and the preferred programme for centre governments and/or right political ideologies, or whether it has more universal appeal. Using data from OECD and OECD-partner countries, event history models reveal Anglo–American countries to be the drivers, with nudge not favoured by left-controlled governments. Nonetheless, with the interest and level of policy transfer not abating, in future years nudge is likely to appear in a wide variety of contexts, including China.

Hungary and Serbia's relations with other countries are based on the "partnership of necessity" concept. Initially, these countries drew closer together in search of ways to resolve the common problem of illegal migration, but gradually they deepened their cooperation. Russia's special military operation in Ukraine gave a new impetus to the intensification of relations between Hungary and Serbia as both states were unwilling to fully share the EU's sanctions policy towards Russia. Serbia tried to maneuver while Hungary struggled to get exemptions for itself from EU sanctions regulations. Also, the Hungary-Serbia tandem built two unofficial trilateral mechanisms with Austria and Republika Srpska, which have their own claims against the EU. In their efforts to maintain partnership with Russia and Turkey, Budapest and Belgrade are driven by the desire to minimize energy, trade, and economic risks for themselves and sustain a flexible centrist foreign policy course.

Is there a strategically beneficial time for political leaders to make international environmental commitments? Based on the political cycles theory we argue that leaders have incentives to delay costly ratification of international environmental agreements to the post-electoral period. However, the cost of participating in these agreements are often lower for developing countries, and they may benefit from indirect gains, which may make them more prone to ratifying in the pre-electoral period. These hypotheses are empirically assessed by studying the ratification process of 48 global environmental agreements censused in the ENTRI database from 1976 to 1999. We use a duration model in which time is measured on a daily basis, enabling us to precisely identify pre- and post-electoral periods -- a significant challenge in political cycles studies. Our investigation reveals the existence of political ratification cycles that are of substantial magnitude and non-linear over the pre- and post-electoral years.

Is there a strategically beneficial time for political leaders to make international environmental commitments? Based on the political cycles theory we argue that leaders have incentives to delay costly ratification of international environmental agreements to the post-electoral period. However, the cost of participating in these agreements are often lower for developing countries, and they may benefit from indirect gains, which may make them more prone to ratifying in the pre-electoral period. These hypotheses are empirically assessed by studying the ratification process of 48 global environmental agreements censused in the ENTRI database from 1976 to 1999. We use a duration model in which time is measured on a daily basis, enabling us to precisely identify pre- and post-electoral periods -- a significant challenge in political cycles studies. Our investigation reveals the existence of political ratification cycles that are of substantial magnitude and non-linear over the pre- and post-electoral years.