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10/28/2020 DR. SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVAL NAMED PROVOST – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2019/04/05/dr-saul-jimenez-sandoval-named-provost/ 1/4 DR. SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVAL NAMED PROVOST Home | ACADEMICS , FEATURED STORIES , PRESS RELEASES | DR. SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVAL NAMED PROVOST Previous  Next  Dr. Saúl Jiménez-Sandoval, a veteran academic administrator with extensiveties to the Central Valley, is Fresno State's new provost and vice president forAcademic Affairs, effective July 22, 2019. President Joseph I. Castro announced the appointment on April 5. Theprovost is the University's chief academic officer and serves as its leaderwhen the president is away from campus. Jiménez-Sandoval joined the Fresno State faculty in 2000. During his 19years of service at the University, he has served as professor of Spanish andPortuguese, coordinator of the Spanish master of arts, chair of theDepartment of Modern and Classical Languages and Literatures, interimassociate dean of the College of Arts and Humanities, and dean of theCollege of Arts and Humanities. A multilingual scholar, he recently helped launch the new Portuguese BeyondBorders Institute, in collaboration with fellow deans of other Fresno State       Search . SECTIONS ACADEMICS  CAMPUS &COMMUNITY  RESEARCH  ALUMNI  PRESS RELEASES  FEATURED VIDEOS  NEWS SOURCES Fresno StateMagazine  CommunityNewsletter  Fresno State  The Collegian  Bulldog Blog  ACADEMICS CAMPUS & COMMUNITY RESEARCH ALUMNI ATHLETICS FEATURED VIDEOS  ABOUT PRESS RELEASES MEDIA GUIDE ARCHIVES10/28/2020 DR. SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVAL NAMED PROVOST – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2019/04/05/dr-saul-jimenez-sandoval-named-provost/ 2/4 colleges. As a scholar, Jiménez-Sandoval studies poetic discourses, criticaltheory, Spanish American literature and Lusophone cultural productions.Among his academic honors are two nominations for the Carnegie U.S.Professor of the Year Award. "Dr. Jiménez-Sandoval is a dynamic scholar and administrator with anunwavering passion for our University's mission to boldly educate andempower students for success," said Castro. "I am excited to work with him toguide Fresno State to even greater heights of academic distinction, which willhelp to elevate the entire Central Valley." Under Jiménez-Sandoval's leadership as dean, the College of Arts andHumanities moved to a new level of excellence by introducing innovativefields, enhancing the quality of programs, increasing the number of tenure-track professors, increasing student enrollment, increasing timely graduationrates, and leading highly successful fundraising initiatives. As he passionately believes that students thrive in multidisciplinaryenvironments, Jiménez-Sandoval has built collaborative programs betweenthe College of Arts and Humanities and other academic units, including aprison art project with the Department of Criminology, an exploration ofcommunicative and philosophical perspectives on science with the College ofScience and Mathematics, a Correctional Recreational Certificate with theDepartment of Recreation Administration, and Ethnic Studies projects with theCollege of Social Sciences. Jiménez-Sandoval said: "I'm humbled and honored by the trust PresidentCastro and the search committee have placed in me, and reinvigorated by thesupport of campus and community members. I love this fertile land – one thatnurtures our community in celebration of its vibrant diversity – and I loveFresno State, for its concrete potential to transform countless lives of studentswho become world-renowned artists, scientists, teachers, engineers, medicalprofessionals and social servants. I'm excited to get to work on promotingstudent excellence, empowering faculty to inspire the next generation ofleaders, and advancing strategic academic, artistic and economic innovationsthat will positively impact the quality of life in our Valley." Jiménez-Sandoval serves in a leadership role on a number of councils thatnurture cultural ties, collaboration and fundraising opportunities, including:President's Commission for the Future of Arts and Humanities; President'sJewish Leadership Council; President's Latino Leadership Community Group;President's Portuguese Leadership Council; President's Armenian LeadershipCouncil; SE Asian Community Task Force; and University High School Board. Go Bulldogs  Videos  Social MediaDirectory  10/28/2020 DR. SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVAL NAMED PROVOST – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2019/04/05/dr-saul-jimenez-sandoval-named-provost/ 3/4 By Lisa Boyles Bell | April 5th, 2019 | Categories: ACADEMICS , FEATURED STORIES , PRESS RELEASES | Tags: Academics , College of Arts and Humanities , Fresno State , Joseph Castro , provost , Saul Jimenez-Sandoval | 0 Comments SHARE THIS STORY, CHOOSE YOUR PLATFORM!     RELATED POSTS "As chair of the Academic Senate, I am thrilled at the prospect of workingclosely with Dr. Jiménez-Sandoval, our new provost," said Thomas Holyoke,professor of political science. "Dr. Jiménez-Sandoval has a long history ofworking in close consultation with faculty in the College of Arts andHumanities, and I believe that he will bring that same dedication to faculty,and faculty governance, to his new role as our new provost and vice presidentfor Academic Affairs." Jiménez-Sandoval moved to the Fresno region as a child and tended thefamily farm while growing up in a bilingual, bicultural environment. An honorsstudent at Fowler High, he went on to the University of California, Irvine,where he earned a double bachelor of arts (cum laude) in Spanish andhistory, and a Ph.D. in Spanish and Portuguese literatures. In addition, he hasprofessional certificates in critical theory from Cornell University, in Spanishart history from Escuela de Arte y Antigüedades de Madrid (Spain), and inPortuguese language and culture from Universidade Nova de Lisboa(Portugal). Jiménez-Sandoval is married to Dr. Mariana Anagnostopoulos, a professor inthe Department of Philosophy; they are proud parents of two boys, Arion andLeo. SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVALAPPOINTEDINTERIM PRESIDENTOF FRESNO STATE October 28th, 2020 | 0Comments TRANSPORTATIONINSTITUTE RELEASESPROMISINGFINDINGS OFCOVID-19 PUBLICTRANSIT STUDY October 28th, 2020 | 0Comments NURSING MUNIT CONTFREE HEALSERVICES OWEST FRES October 27th, Comments  10/28/2020 DR. SAÚL JIMÉNEZ-SANDOVAL NAMED PROVOST – Fresno State News www.fresnostatenews.com/2019/04/05/dr-saul-jimenez-sandoval-named-provost/ 4/4 Fresno State News Hub isthe primary source ofinformation about currentevents a􀃠􎁥ecting CaliforniaState University, Fresno, itsstudents, faculty and sta􀃠􎀻;providing an archive ofnews articles, videos andphotos, as well as links tomajor resources on campusas a service to theuniversity community. CONTACT US CALIFORNIA STATEUNIVERSITY, FRESNO 5241 N. 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This paper discussed the main arguments that deal with the issues of development cooperation between Europe and West Africa. At the turn of the 21st century, it is clear that economic and security challenges which Sub-Saharan Africa faces are unique in nature. While the issues concerning the future of the African continent occupy a prominent place on the international agenda in matters of economy and security, the improvement of living conditions and the satisfaction of the most indispensable needs are the dilemmas that most countries are trying to resolve. The primary objective of the thesis was to examine the reasons which contributed to the failure of development strategies in West Africa to identify the dilemma of economic development and political and social stability. Despite the fact that a number of studies have examined economic development and security issues as separate domains, the emphasis has not been on the correlation between economic development and socio-political stability in the relatively stable countries in West Africa. Therefore, the theoretical framework was an attempt to associate economic development with security concerns by utilizing Securitization theory (as a middle ground between Constructivism and Classical Realism). The methodology of the thesis applied qualitative methods (documentary analysis and discourse analysis) to demonstrate that the current difficulties, in term of economic development and security, have historical roots. This methodological approach was preferred because it enables to thoroughly comprehend issues like migration, terrorism, and economic development which remain among the central viii issues in international relations. The paper applied the following structure to present its findings. After providing an overview of the scope and context of the topic, the paper first examines the critical nature of economic relations among regional institutions and states (in Europe and West Africa) through their economic agreements and trade conventions (Yaoundé, Lomé, or Cotonou). The liberalization conditionality and the purpose of trade agreements on development are elaborated to compare and contrast the preferential trade agreements (PTA) with the economic trade agreements (EPA). This scrutiny served to illuminate the motives which led to the establishment of regional organizations in the African continent and the path to the economic globalization. In these writings, it is possible to encounter descriptions and analyses of economic indicators. This thesis does not, however, intend to have a quantitative approach because it focuses on a policymaking process and the social impact of these agreements. Next, the thesis provided an in-depth examination of reactive and proactive policies related to economic and trade relations to explain the root causes of migration (with the failure of agricultural and industrial sectors) and security issues (with the increase of terrorism and the failure of the education system) in West Africa. Finally, the concluding chapter acknowledged several parameters which caused the failures of economic, political, and social policies and argued that the economic relations between European states and West African countries were not based on mutual interest. It is also concluded that the integration model and the official development aid (ODA) to assist the underdeveloped nations in West Africa contributed to the asymmetric relationship and current development concerns. Consequently, the Marshall Plan with Africa (under the leadership of the Federal Republic of Germany) as a new cooperation model based on mutual interest could give West Africa its rightful place in international relations. ; Bu çalışmada Avrupa ve Batı Afrika arasındaki kalkınma işbirliği konularıyla ilgili başlıca argümanlar ele alınmıştır. 21. yüzyılın başında, Sahra Altı Afrika'nın karşı karşıya kaldığı ekonomik ve güvenlik zorluklarının tabiatı gereği benzersiz olduğu açıktır. Afrika kıtasının geleceği ile ilgili konular, ekonomi ve güvenlik konularında uluslararası gündemde önemli bir yer tutarken yaşam koşullarının iyileştirilmesi ve en vazgeçilmez ihtiyaçların karşılanması çoğu ülkenin çözmeye çalıştığı ikilemlerdir. Tezin temel amacı, ekonomik kalkınma ile politik ve sosyal istikrar ikilemini belirlemek için Batı Afrika'daki kalkınma stratejilerinin başarısız olmasına sebep olan nedenleri incelemektir. Bazı çalışmalar ekonomik gelişme ve güvenlik konularını ayrı alanlar olarak incelemiş olmasına rağmen, vurgu, Batı Afrika'daki nispeten istikrarlı ülkelerde ekonomik gelişme ile sosyopolitik istikrar arasındaki ilişki üzerinde olmamıştır. Bu nedenle, teorik çerçeve, Güvenlikleştirme teorisini (Yapılandırmacılık ile Klasik Gerçekçilik arasında bir orta yol olarak) kullanarak, ekonomik gelişmeyi güvenlik endişeleriyle ilişkilendirme amacında olmuştur. Tezin metodolojisi olarak, ekonomik gelişme ve güvenlik açısından mevcut zorlukların tarihsel kökene sahip olduğunu göstermek için nitel yöntemler (belgesel analizi ve söylem analizi) uygulanmıştır. Bu metodolojik yaklaşım tercih edildi çünkü uluslararası ilişkilerde başlıca konular arasında bulunan göç, terörizm ve ekonomik kalkınma gibi sorunların iyice kavranmasını sağlamaktadır. Çalışma, bulgularını aktarmak için aşağıdaki yapıyı uygulamıştır. Konunun kapsamı ve bağlamına genel bir bakış sağladıktan sonra, çalışma ilk olarak ekonomik anlaşmalar ve ticaret sözleşmeleri (Yaoundé, Lomé veya Cotonou) aracılığıyla bölgesel kurumlar ve devletler (Avrupa ve Batı Afrika'da) arasındaki vi ekonomik ilişkilerin kritik durumunu incelemektedir. Liberalleşme şartlılık ilkesi ve kalkınma ile ilgili ticaret anlaşmalarının amacı, tercihli ticaret anlaşmalarını (PTA) ekonomik ticaret anlaşmalarıyla (EPA) kıyaslamak ve karşılaştırmak için hazırlanmıştır. Bu inceleme, Afrika kıtasında bölgesel örgütlenmelerin kurulmasına sebep olan ve ekonomik küreselleşmenin yolunu açan nedenleri aydınlatmayı sağlamıştır. Bu yazılarda, ekonomik göstergelerin açıklamaları ve analizleriyle karşılaşmak mümkündür. Bununla birlikte, bu tez niceliksel bir yaklaşıma sahip olmayı amaçlamamaktadır, çünkü politika oluşturma sürecine ve bu anlaşmaların sosyal etkilerine odaklanmaktadır. Sonrasında, tez, Batı Afrika'da göçün temel nedenlerini (tarım ve sanayi sektörlerinin başarısızlığı ile) ve güvenlik sorunlarını (terörizmin artması ve eğitim sisteminin başarısızlığı ile) açıklamak için ekonomik ve ticari ilişkilerle ilgili reaktif ve proaktif politikaların derinlemesine incelenmesini sağlamıştır. Son olarak, sonuç bölümünde ekonomik, politik ve sosyal politikaların başarısızlığına neden olan birçok parametre belirtilmiş ve Avrupa ülkeleri ile Batı Afrika ülkeleri arasındaki ekonomik ilişkilerin karşılıklı çıkarlara dayanmadığı savunulmuştur. Ayrıca, entegrasyon modelinin ve Batı Afrika'daki azgelişmiş ülkelere yardım etmek için resmi kalkınma yardımının (ODA) asimetrik ilişki ve mevcut kalkınma endişelerine katkıda bulundukları sonucuna varılmıştır. Sonuç olarak, Afrika ile Marshall Planı (Almanya Federal Cumhuriyeti öncülüğünde) karşılıklı çıkarlara dayanan yeni bir işbirliği modeli olarak Batı Afrika'ya uluslararası ilişkilerde hakettiği yeri verebilir.

Das Dissertationsprojekt untersucht das Zusammenspiel von Klängen, materieller Kultur, Rassismus und Polizeigewalt in Brasilien aus dekolonialer Perspektive. Dazu nutzt diese Arbeit Theorien aus den Kulturwissenschaften beziehungsweise den Sound Studies, um kontingente Auseinandersetzungen zu analysieren, bei denen Designobjekte und -verfahren als materiell-diskursive Knotenpunkte für die Normalisierung und Fortschreibung rassifizierter Gewalt dienen. Um sich mit den Bedingungen dafür zu befassen, wird Design – sowohl als wissenschaftliches Feld als auch Praxis – in dieser Arbeit als ein materiell-diskursiver Apparat betrachtet, der nicht nur die Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojektes, sondern auch seine Voraussetzungen einbezieht. Der Schwerpunkt dieser Dissertation ist die Auseinandersetzung mit "listening anxieties" (Hörängsten). Ein solcher Begriff taucht mit den Aspekten von politischem Konsens, Überwachung und Regelverhalten auf. Die Zusammenfügung dieser drei Begriffe in institutionellen, designerisch gestalteten wie auch alltäglichen Verfahren wird hier mit "Apparatus of Auditory Governance" (Apparat der akustischen Machtführung) bezeichnet. Im engeren Sinne werden akustische Machtführungen an drei Beispielen aus dem 21. Jahrhundert Brasiliens in den Blick genommen: als Erstes wird die von der staatlichen Parallelmacht der Militärpolizei geführte Kriminalisierung von Jukeboxes in einer der sogenannten pazifizierten Favelas in Rio de Janeiro untersucht; anschließend, wie der Aufbau einer sieben Kilometer langen akustischen Mauer in Rio als ein Stadt- und Rassentrennungsmittel betrachtet werden muss. In der letzten Fallstudie wird analysiert, wie der polizeiliche Einsatz von Knallgranaten zur Erzeugung von Nachtruhe in den benachteiligten Nachbarschaften in São Paulo Rassengewalt erzeugt. Dabei leistet diese Arbeit auch einen Beitrag zum designhistorischen Diskurs,,indem die kolonialen Grundvoraussetzungen des Designfeldes untersucht werden, wobei gleichzeitig eine dekolonisierende und klangorientierte Methodik für Designforschung und Sound Studies genutzt/entwickelt wird. So kann nachgewiesen, wie materielle Bedingungen der Klanggewalt, beispielsweise durch Architekturgestaltung, temporäre Klangobjekte bis hin zur Entwicklung von speziellen Soundwaffen, einer Art von ontologischem Design (Anne-Marie Willis) zuarbeiten, auch wenn das koloniale und rassifizierte Ethos der designten Klanggewalt sowohl diskursiv als auch materiell weitgehend unsichtbar gemacht wird. Um eine solche ontologische Verfasstheit letztlich überhaupt zu erkennen, wird gefordert, dass sich Designer_innen als Produzent_innen rassifizierter, kolonialer Phänomene in ihrer Praxis betrachten. ; This dissertation attends to the intersection of sound, material culture, racism, and police violence in Brazil from a decolonizing perspective. With a focus on theories informed by cultural and sound studies, it unravels the contingent arrangements through which certain designed objects and practices function as material-discursive nodes for the normalization and perpetuation of racialized violences. To explore these ideas, it reads design—a field of knowledge and a set of practices—as a material-discursive apparatus, accountable for not only the results but also the conditions of possibility for any research endeavor. The main driving force of this work is the identification and evincing of 'listening anxieties.' These emerge through enactments of political consensus, policing, and compliance; the articulation of these three in institutional, designerly, as well as everyday practices is what this research identifies as the Apparatus of Auditory Governance (or AAG). More specifically, I look at three manifestations of these auditory governances in contemporary Brazil—from the early 2000s to the judiciary Coup d'Etat of late 2016. These range from the criminalization of jukeboxes by a Military Police acting outside the scope of written law in so-called 'pacified' neighborhoods in Rio de Janeiro, to the construction of a seven kilometer-long acoustic barrier in the city as a device for urban segregation, to the deployment of sound bombs as devices for the enforcement of silence by the same police force in São Paulo. The articulation of auditory governances, however, is not fixed; rather, it shifts and mutates to account for distinct and diverse experiences of listening. These shifts are what this work calls earviews: a conceptual orientation which determines the "listening point" where narratives and perceptions of auditory reality unfold from. The AAG, articulated and deconstructed at the intersection of distinct and conflicting earviews, forms the main method of this dissertation, and is of particular interest for sound and design studies. By understanding the earview as an asset of and for designing, it is possible to interrogate the role of design in the enforcement, reproduction, and normalization of sonic violences, and the erasure of other(ed) narratives of listening. Rather than simply evincing the hegemony of normative—qua racialized—earviews, I intervene by reading them through first-person accounts and storytelling stemming from fieldwork with artists and activists in Brazil, as well as from two movies by Brazilian directors—O Som ao Redor (2012) and Branco Sai, Preto Fica (2014). These intersections are further complemented by a semi-fictional narrative created throughout five collective pedagogical sessions fusing designing and fabulation. This format, named "Yarn Sessions," is my methodological proposition for design research in this work. This research started out by posing three broad questions relating to the connection between auditory practices—i.e. sounds and their social, cultural, and political engagements—and the design of listening devices. It asked: what is the contribution of design to the politics of mediated listening and its devices? What might be the possible, probable and/or preferable enactments of the political agency of designed listening devices? These initial questions are all addressed by this work, and have shifted from their initial form as a general investigation on the entanglement of design and listening, to offer an inquiry and an intervention on violences enacted with and through sound. This work thus participates in a re-historicization of the colonial underpinnings of design, while at the same time offering a decolonizing methodological proposition for design research and design studies with a sound and listening-oriented locus. It demonstrates that the material conditions of sonic violence—from architectural planning to transitional/illegalized sound objects to the development of weaponry—are a form of ontological design (cf. Anne-Marie Willis) which succeeds by making its own colonial and racialized ethos discursively and materially invisible. This ontological enunciation demands the accountability of the designer as both producer and reproducer of racialized/colonial phenomena in the making of their own practices. Yet this research does not align itself completely with discourses from the "ontological turn" or "new materialisms" in philosophy (cf. Karen Barad), insofar as these often undermine and erase the role played by coloniality and "racialized assemblages" (cf. Alexander Weheliye) to the constitution of its own ontologies and epistemologies. My proposition for design understands the field to constitute in itself an ontoepistemology (cf. Willis, Gloria Anzaldúa), albeit reading such ontological alignments through decolonial and critical race studies. In so doing, it opens up a new field of inquiry in which sound studies and decolonial thought inform designerly inquiries into material culture not only for the evincing of specific material-discursive phenomena (e.g. sonic violences), but also for intervening on them with intersectional and decolonizing frameworks.

This dissertation centrally explores understandings of foreign/second language and culture learning and its potential to prepare learners to participate in a globalized world. Much research has already been conducted on how globalization has influenced understandings of what it means to learn languages and cultures, how they are taught, and what their ultimate goals are in terms of learning (Blommaert, Leppänen, Pahta, & Räisänen, 2012; Heller & Duchêne, 2012; Kramsch, 2014). This dissertation study adds to this research by responding to Scarino's (2014) call to expand theoretical understandings of language, culture, and learning in relationship to processes of both globalization and neoliberalism. More specifically, this study explores the potential of a dynamic or complexity orientation (Wesely, 2012) to understand how beliefs, attitudes, and perceptions towards language and culture learning are constructed and negotiated in the relationship between learners and instructors, as complex social beings, and the learning site, as "contestatory discursive site" (Mckay & Wong, 1996) The site of this ethnographic study can be understood as interconnected contact zones, as defined by Pratt (2008), or social spaces "where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in highly asymmetrical relations of domination and subordination-like colonialism, slavery, or their aftermaths as they are lived out across the globe today" (p. 7). These contact zones are two Spanish language and Latino cultures classrooms situated at a university in San Diego on the border between the United States and Mexico. Primary participants include two third-semester university level Spanish instructors, Yesenia and Vicente, and their respective students. I collected data in two learning spaces: the language learning classrooms and the sites where students from Yesenia's class completed community-service learning (CSL) projects; all of these latter CSL sites involved the students' engagement with local immigrant populations. In both spaces, I employed qualitative methodology with an ethnographic focus, which involved participant observation, extensive field notes, audio- and video-recordings of classes, and collecting class-related textual artifacts and pedagogical materials. I applied discourse analysis to explore classroom interactions, teaching materials, and interviews with a focal group of students from each class, the instructors, the department chair, and personnel related to the CSL program, including staff, site coordinators, community leaders, and community participants. My analysis suggests that the two language and culture classrooms not only reflect the larger tensions of globalization, but also produce new tensions. The instructors and the learners have differing perceptions of language and culture and the importance of their learning. These understandings are constructed in relationship to their positionings within the classroom, the university, the community, and the local context. The two instructors struggle with their conflicted positioning within the power structure of the university and in the broader relationship between the United States and Latin America, particularly as they are both Mexican immigrants. They also grapple with the instrumental approach that is imposed through the textbook in which learners accumulate grammatical forms and vocabulary while culture is consumed through superficial representations of "Otherness," presented as imagined tourists visits and the accumulation of geographical and historical information (Thurlow & Jaworski, 2010; Kramsch & Vinall, 2015). In the first classroom, Yesenia accepts the instrumental approach, encouraging the accumulation of largely decontextualized language forms, and she participates in the construction of what I call a tourist gaze on Latin America (Sheller, 2003; Merrill, 2009, Urry, 2002), believing that it will facilitate learners' appreciation of her cultural heritage. In the second classroom, Vicente rejects the instrumental approach: he wants to facilitate language and culture learning through critically understanding, reflecting on, and proposing alternatives to the social, economic, and political realities of the contact zone. In both classrooms, however, learners resent these pedagogical choices, their resistance revealing tensions in their own understandings and goals. Learners express a desire to develop cultural awareness so that they can care about the realities of Latin America yet doing so uncomfortably implicates them in larger global relationships in which they must confront their privileged positionings. This process was particularly evident in their CSL experiences in which "putting a face on it" reproduced problematic binaries, such as that of "us" and "them" and "server" and "served," and in the process reinforced larger power structures and reproduced privilege. Even though the learners want to engage in more than superficial communication they also recognize the limited role of their language and culture learning in their current lives, namely to successfully complete the language requirement, to engage in tourism, and to compete in the global marketplace. The findings of this study suggest ever increasing tensions between understandings of learning language and culture in the classroom in contrast to the potentiality of this learning as applied outside of the classroom. In both classrooms, the learners and the instructors demonstrate an awareness of the conflicting attitudes, beliefs, and perceptions that they bring to the classroom and how these interact with the teaching materials as well as the local context, yet they do not engage in critical reflection on these understandings. Doing so would require engaging with the central question of power, and how their language and culture learning experiences (re)produce social structures both in and outside of the classroom. In this regard, one of the central limitations of the dynamic or complexity orientation (Wesely, 2012) that I have employed is that it does not centrally interrogate this question of power. This study points to the need for future research in field of second language acquisition that considers how institutional structures influence understandings of language and language learning, the pedagogical choices that are made in the classroom, and the possibilities for agency on the part of both instructors and learners to explore their own understandings of language in relationship to pedagogical choices and learning. In the end, if one of the primary consequences of globalization and neoliberalism is the exacerbation of asymmetrical power relations and social structures, in order to understand how they have influenced language and culture learning and how to prepare learners to participate in a globalized world would require additional theorizations of how this power is operating.

Zusammenfassung: Die Soziologie untersucht als kritische Wissenschaft, wie die Gesellschaft funktioniert. Sie analysiert den sozialen Wandel sowie bestehende gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse und Machtgefüge. Dabei interessiert, was zu unterschiedlichen Lebenslagen führt und wie sich die einseitige Verteilung vorhandener Güter auswirkt. Die Soziologie geht von demokratischen Prämissen aus. Sie orientiert sich an der sozialen Teilhabe und Existenzsicherung aller Menschen. Der vorliegende Beitrag konkretisiert, wie die Soziologie aktuelle Prozesse der Individualisierung, Prekarisierung und Flexibilisierung analysiert und wie sie auf die finanzgetriebene Politik reagiert, die sich seit Ende der 1980er-Jahre verbreitet. Als Aufhänger dient das hohe Ausmass depressiver Erkrankungen. Das Ziel besteht darin, mit gründlichen Analysen dazu beizutragen, eine emanzipatorische Sozialisation zu fördern und soziale Lebenslagen von Benachteiligten zu verbessern.Schlüsselworte: Soziologie, Sozialisation, sozialer Wandel, soziale Ungleichheit, Individualisierung, Prekarisierung, Flexibilisierung, Depression, Emanzipation. ; Summary: Sociology as a critical science examines the workings of society. It analyses social change as well as the existing societal relations and power structures. Sociologists are interested in the ways that lead up to different life situations and the results of unequal distribution of available resources. Sociology uses demographic premises as a starting point and then gets its orientation from social shares and participation as well as livelihood security. The present contribution substantiates sociological analyses of the current processes of individualisation, insecurity and flexibility and its reaction to the financial-driven politics that have dominated since the end of the 1980s. The high rate of depressive disorders was used as an indicator. The aim was, with thorough analysis, to contribute to the advancement of emancipatory socialization and so improve the social situation of the disadvantaged.Keywords: sociology, socialization, social change, social inequality, individuality, insecurity, flexibility, mental illness, emancipation. ; Résumé : En tant que science critique, la sociologie étudie le fonctionnement de la société. Elle analyse les dynamiques sociales, les rapports sociaux et les structures de pouvoir, notamment les éléments qui conditionnent les situations de vie et l'impact d'une répartition unilatérale des biens disponibles. La sociologie part de l'hypothèse de la démocratie et se focalise sur la participation sociale et la sauvegarde des conditions d'existence de tous les êtres humains. La présente contribution décrit comment la sociologie analyse les processus actuels d'individualisation, de précarisation et de flexibilisation et comment elle réagit à la politique financiarisée qui prédomine depuis la fin des années 1980. Le point de départ de la réflexion est la forte prévalence des troubles dépressifs.La Fatigue d'être soi est le titre d'une étude remarquable du sociologue français Alain Ehrenberg (1998) qui aborde le phénomène de la dépression, caractéristique à son avis de la société actuelle. Les dépressions sont fortement discutées dans l'espace public depuis la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle. Pour Alain Ehrenberg, le «soi épuisé» est le symptôme de la difficulté d'être soi-même. Un problème qui peut paraître individuel mais qui est à ses yeux clairement déterminé par la société. C'est ce que la présente contribution souhaite mettre en avant, étudiant les modalités et les caractéristiques des dynamiques sociales et le discours de la sociologie à ce sujet.Depuis la fin des années 1980, la Suisse a vu l'essor d'un régime financiarisé qui avalise les inégalités sociales, accentue les gains en capital et renforce encore davantage la concentration du pouvoir économique. Après la seconde guerre mondiale, le compromis politique libéral entre le capital et le travail tendait encore à une médiation sociale de portée certes limitée. La montée du néolibéralisme anglo-saxon s'accompagnera en revanche d'une nouvelle crédulité envers le marché et le capital. C'est dorénavant le marché qui semble déterminer la valeur du travail. Depuis, on observe quatre tendances lourdes, dont premièrement la progression du chômage. Quand les machines remplacent le travail manuel, cela pourrait nous procurer plus de temps libre et d'argent, étant donné aussi l'augmentation de la productivité. Mais la distribution du temps de travail reste inégalitaire. Deuxièmement, une partie des salaires ne suit pas l'augmentation du coût de la vie, malgré une progression salariale nominale. Il s'ensuit un nombre grandissant de salariés pauvres (working poor). Troisièmement, le système surchargé s'oriente en premier lieu au travail salarié. Il ignore les nouvelles situations de vie. Les personnes seules, les familles monoparentales et les familles avec des enfants se retrouvent fréquemment dans des situations précaires. En effet, la part du produit intérieur brut affectée à la sécurité sociale en Suisse est en diminution depuis 2004, malgré l'expansion formidable de la richesse dans ce laps de temps (OFAS 2014). Quatrièmement, le clivage social entre les revenus disponibles et la fortune privée est en progression (Mäder et al. 2010.). Et le correctif politique démocratique n'est pas en mesure d'empêcher la polarisation de la société.Malgré des contradictions sociales fortes, les débats sociologiques autour des questions sociales se détournent des dimensions structurelles pour se pencher sur les seules perspectives individuelles (ceci depuis la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle déjà). Ce qui était jadis considéré comme la contradiction fondamentale entre la production sociale et l'appropriation privée est rarement évoqué à l'époque actuelle. Le plan vertical, avec un sommet et une base, est abandonné au profit d'une perspective horizontale. Les modèles des milieux sociaux mettent l'accent sur les attitudes, les modes de vie et les valeurs. Tout en pointant des différenciations sociales intéressantes, ces modèles négligent l'analyse des oppositions de classes qui devraient pourtant être au cœur des sciences sociales d'orientation critique. Celles-ci devraient fournir des analyses capables de s'inscrire dans une démarche normative de contribution à une socialisation émancipatrice et à l'amélioration de la situation sociale des défavorisés.Mots clefs : Sociologie, socialisation, changement sociétal, inégalités sociales, individualisation, précarité, flexibilisation, dépression, émancipation ; Riassunto: La sociologia esamina in modo critico il funzionamento della società. Essa analizza il mutamento sociale e i rapporti sociali esistenti nonché il relativo equilibrio dei poteri economici interessandosi in particolare a cosa porta a differenti situazioni sociali e alle conseguenze della distribuzione ineguale dei beni disponibili. La sociologia parte da premesse democratiche. Si orienta alla partecipazione sociale e alla garanzia della sussistenza per tutte le persone. Il presente contributo concretizza come la sociologia analizza gli attuali processi di individualizzazione, precarizzazione e flessibilizzazione, e come essa reagisce alla politica in balia della finanza che si sta diffondendo dalla fine degli anni 1980. Il testo è incentrato sull'elevato numero di casi di malattie depressive. L'obiettivo è contribuire, attraverso analisi approfondite, al promovimento di una socializzazione emancipatoria e al miglioramento delle condizioni sociali di persone svantaggiate.Parole chiave: sociologia, socializzazione, mutamento sociale, disuguaglianza sociale, individualizzazione, precarizzazione, flessibilizzazione, depressione, emancipazione.

This report aims at highlighting the political ideology of Hamas in a comparative approach through critical analysis and researches, based on a historical methodology. We followed this political movement through its religious ideology and Islamic references, from its position as a Palestinian opposition to the reached power itself. We tried to achieve the following objectives:Describing the emergence and evolution of the movement, the living embodiment of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine, as well as the factors and circumstances that led to its decline and its rise at certain periods of the History. We also seek to know the roots of this movement before and after 1948 and until the outbreak of the intifada in 1987.Identifying the factors that influence the policies and decision making of the Movement, espacially the ideological and partisan aspect, as a matter of fact that Hamas is a fundamental element of the international movement Muslim Brotherhood, where Islam is the ideological and political reference. The report tackles the aspect of the national Palestinian actions and partisan interests who have imposed their own visions and pragmatic positions. In addition, it is necessary to analyze the division of leadership between the inside and outside group, but also the important influence of the military wing in the Policy building and decision making.Identifying the positions of Hamas movement towards the Palestinian political system into its two components – the PLO and the Palestinian Authority – towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its settlement options and therefore towards the political settlement, compared to the PLO positions and other Palestinian factions. This research seeks to determine the position of Hamas on the principle of the Palestinian liberation and towards the political PLO initiatives, the Arab States, the organizations and the friendly countries, such as the International Conference, and to bring out the political initiative of Hamas and comparing it to the other forces' positions.Identifying the relation between the Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, the degree of autonomy that Hamas has in the organization and its international framework. The research tries to study the nature of the relations of the movement with the international, regional and Arab organizations. A special attention is given to the United States, the European Union, Russia and the other regional countries in order to understand its place and position in the axis of the region. The attention is especially focused on the « axis of the resistance » and the kind of relations Hamas has with the Arab countries of Palestine, like Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and States who have an big impact on the regional policies, particularly Iran and Saudi Arabia.Exploring the experience of Hamas in the transitional period, from the opposition to the takeover and parallelly with the experience in the political aspect of Islam with the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafi Jihad, Al-Qaida, Hezbollah and the Turkish Party of Justice and Development, from its inception until its accession in power. ; Cette étude vise à faire la lumière sur le discours politique du mouvement Hamas, dans le cadre d'une approche comparée critique qui s'appuie sur une méthodologie historique dans la recherche et l'analyse. Nous suivons le passage de ce Mouvement, aux références idéologiques religieuses islamistes, de l'opposition palestinienne au pouvoir. Nous essaierons d'atteindre les objectifs suivants :Décrire l'émergence et l'évolution de ce Mouvement, incarnation vivante des Frères musulmans en Palestine, ainsi que les circonstances et facteurs qui ont conduit à sa régression à certains moments de l'histoire et à sa montée en puissance à d'autres. Nous cherchons également à connaitre les racines de ce mouvement avant et après 1948 et jusqu'au déclenchement de l'Intifada en 1987.Identifier les facteurs qui influent sur les politiques et la prise de décision de ce Mouvement, notamment le facteur idéologique et partisan, étant donné qu'il fait partie intégrante du Mouvement international des Frères musulmans dont l'Islam est la référence idéologique et politique. Il existe également le facteur de l'action nationale palestinienne et les intérêts partisans qui lui ont imposé des visions et des positions pragmatiques. De plus, il convient d'analyser la division du leadership entre intérieur et extérieur et enfin l'influence extraordinaire de l'aile militaire dans la formulation des politiques et dans la prise de décision.Identifier les positions du mouvement Hamas vis-à-vis du système politique palestinien dans ses deux composantes - l'OLP et l'Autorité nationale palestinienne - mais aussi vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-palestinien et les options de règlement de celui-ci, et donc de sa position vis-à-vis du règlement politique, comparée aux positions de l'OLP et des autres factions palestiniennes. Cette étude cherche également à connaître la position du Hamas sur le principe de la libération de la Palestine et vis-à-vis des initiatives politiques de l'OLP et des Etats arabes, et celles des organisations ou des pays amis, comme la Conférence internationale, et à faire la lumière sur l'initiative politique du Hamas en comparaison avec les positions des autres forces.Identifier la relation entre le Hamas et les Frères musulmans et le degré d'autonomie dont jouit le Hamas dans le cadre de sa relation avec l'organisation mère, de caractère internationaliste. L'étude tente aussi d'étudier la nature de la relation de ce mouvement avec les organisations internationales, régionales et arabes, en particulier avec les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, l'Union européenne, la Russie, les autres pays de la région et de connaitre sa place dans les axes dans la région, notamment « l'axe de la résistance », à la lumière de ses relations avec les pays arabes voisins de la Palestine (Egypte, Jordanie, Syrie et Liban) et ceux qui influent sur les politiques régionales et arabe en général, et l'Arabie Saoudite et l'Iran en particulier.Explorer l'expérience du Hamas dans sa transition de l'opposition au pouvoir et faire un parallèle avec l'expérience l'Islam politique, en particulier le mouvement des Frères musulmans, le courant salafiste jihadiste, Al-Qaïda, le Hezbollah libanais et enfin le Parti de la Justice et du développement turc, depuis sa création jusqu'à son accession au pouvoir.

[spa] Investigación histórica y etnográfica en el espacio simbólico y ceremonial más emblemático de la ciudad de Lisboa: O Rossio. Tratamos de agotar sus elementos físicos, relacionales y simbólicos, siguiendo varias escalas de análisis, en una interpretación general de la sociedad lisboeta. 1-("Presentación del Objeto de Estudio"): se introducen las fuentes teóricas generales que atraviesan el texto, centradas en la antropología urbana y en la problemática del espacio en tanto que producción social. Asimismo, desarrollamos una breve historia de la Praça do Rossio para proporcionar la medida de su importancia y las funciones que desempeña en el marco de la ciudad. 2-("Culturas de la Miseria, Miserias de la Cultura"): Empezamos con un primer ensayo etnográfico sobre las técnicas interactivas y las dramaturgias de la pobreza en Rossio. A modo de estudio comparativo, sigue una crítica a las políticas de governabilidad urbana en Barcelona, especialmente beligerantes ante la visibilidad de la miseria. Cerramos el bloque repasando las controversias relativas a la construcción identitaria portuguesa y su "excesso de diagnóstico", donde creemos localizar el núcleo discursivo de una cierta familiaridad con la subjetivación de la pobreza. 3-("Los Espacios y sus hombres"): Un pequeño capítulo sobre las metodologías y los protocolos etnográficos utilizados, da paso al análisis socioespacial "delimitado" de la Praça do Rossio. Se emprende aquí una revisión espacial de las 12 áreas en que dividimos la plaza, con el fin de conocer sus atributos en profundidad, descubriendo las relaciones que se establecen con su entorno constituyente -visible e invisible-, y dando lugar a las primeras reflexiones sobre el papel de Rossio en tanto que dispositivo sociourbano modular. Los mapas y diagramas ayudan a la comprensión microsocial de las trayectorias, las apropiaciones y las logicas socioespaciales que tienen lugar en la plaza. Profusamente conocido ya el espacio y sus derivaciones, en los bloques cuarto y quinto se tratan las profundas relaciones de la plaza con la evolución de la ciudad, tomando el terremoto de 1755 como acontecimiento sociourbanístico central. 4-("La fisura pombalina I: la imaginación patrimonial"): Presentamos una breve etnografía del comercio informal en Rossio, descubriendo su estrecha vinculación con procesos de patrimonialización contemporáneos, especialmente la folclorización de Alfama y el proceso político de control sobre las festas de Lisboa. En él descubrimos que los erasmus de Alfama reproducen el imaginario pintoresquista de los estudios olisipográficos, en procesos que se operan a través de la sublimación del comercio informal. Las variaciones históricas en la adscripción topológica de las prácticas de mercadeo, así como las particularidades de su versión patrimonial reificada, nos conducen a la cuestión del terremoto, cuando en la Rossio del comercio informal tenga lugar la reconfiguración forzada de la ciudad entera. 5-("La fisura pombalina II: la deriva urbana"): Nos centramos en las funciones morfológicas y simbólicas de Rossio en tanto que pieza articuladora del urbanismo lisboeta en general: siguiendo la pista anterior, ahondamos en el significado último de la intervención del Marqués después del seísmo de 1755. Un estudio de caso sobre la apropiación lusoafricana en una esquina de Rossio, nos permite profundizar en las consecuencias sociomorfológicas del terremoto: la "fisura pombalina" conduce, mediante dos "movimientos" simultáneos, a la bipolarización urbanística actual. Finalmente, analizaremos varios procesos recientes de capitalización en el centro de la ciudad, reconociendo asimismo el papel de diferentes actores sociales en la intervención urbana. ¿Sigue la Praça do Rossio conservando aquella inercia que la caracteriza más allá de "brechas" y "fisuras"?, ¿cuál es su papel en la articulación sociourbana de la ciudad?, ¿sigue siendo O Rossio un rossio, es decir, un espacio de apropiación colectiva marcado por la confluencia de las energías societarias? ; [eng] The present historical and ethnographic research is focused on the most emblematic space in Lisbon's downtown, Praça do Rossio. The comprehension of its historical function and cultural significance is explored by the following arguments and study cases: 1- The state of art on urban anthropology and an introduction to the social and political history of this emplacement. 2- An essay about beggar's performance and poverty visibility on Lisbon's streets, regarded as a discursive effect based on Portuguese identity construction, in contrast to Barcelona's anti-poor governance strategies. 3- An in-depth description of every single material element and detail from square's morphological composition, that lead us to consider Rossio both as a relationship playground and as historical emplacement. Besides, this chapter includes maps and diagrams showing the complexity of appropriations and circulations, as well as ethnographic insights and cultural issues. With all morphological details displayed, and with a large cultural square's acknowledgment, chapters 4 and 5 introduce the core of interpretation, allowing us to comprehend the urban and social function of Rossio through the most critical urban event in Lisbon's history: The 1755 earthquake. First, in chapter 4, informal economy and its liturgical dramatizations on Santos Populares city feasts -stated by olisipography's nineteenth-century discourses- are analyzed as an heritagization process. Rossio was the heart of the historical street-vendor practices, symbolized in current hegemonic city representations. Secondly, in chapter 5 the daily Portuguese-Africans meetings on Rossio Largo's corner are analyzed and considered as a symbol of the preservation of square's communicative and political functions. Summarizing the urban history of the city -and the social characterization, problems and representations of different neighborhoods-, Rossio is found to be the center of the politico-cultural and socio-morphological phenomena which is called "pombaline's fissure": the symbolic and material displacement caused by 1755 urban disaster and its later reconstruction, that reorganizes the axis between the bourgeois and the popular city. The theoretical and methodological approach of urban and social anthropology, as well as all this data collection, allow us to argue that Rossio performs a function as an urban hinge, articulating the city's sociospatial bipolarization and its symbolic representations.

ÖZETAvrupa bütünleşme projesi, Avrupa'nın sosyal ve ekonomik yıkımına ve milyonlarca insanın yaşamına mal olan II. Dünya Savaşı'nın ardından, kıtada bir başka topyekün savaşın çıkmasının önlenmesi ve Avrupa ülkelerinin ortak hedef ve çıkarlar doğrultusunda bir araya getirilmesi amacıyla ortaya konulmuştur. Bu süreçte, Avrupa bütünleşmesi önemli başarılar kaydetti. Gerçekten de, Tek Pazar'ın ve Ekonomik ve Parasal Birlik'in tamamlanmasıyla, 1990'lardan itibaren Avrupa'nın siyasi geleceği daha yoğun tartışılmaya başlanmıştır. Öte yandan, Merkez ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerini içine alan son genişleme dalgasıyla AB'nin 25 üyeli bir birlik haline gelmesi kurumsal yapıyı ve karar alma sürecini son derece karmaşıklaştırmıştır. Hem bu soruna bir çözüm bulmak hem de ulusal düzeyden AB düzeyine giderek artan yetki transferi ve ciddi şekilde eleştirilen demokratik eksiklikten kaynaklanan meşruiyet meselesine bir yanıt bulmak amacıyla ilgili tarafların büyük gayretleri sonucu Avrupa Anayasası hazırlanmıştır. Ancak Anayasa'nın Fransa ve Hollanda'da düzenlenen referandumlarda reddedilmesi AB'nin siyasi geleceği ile ilgili ciddi şüphe ve endişelere yol açmıştır. Bu noktada Anayasa'nın Fransa ve Hollanda halkı tarafından reddedilmesinin ardında yatan nedenler iyi incelenmelidir. Şöyle ki, bu sonucu işsizlik ve kontrolsüz göçe duyulan korku gibi ekonomik ve sosyal sorunlar bağlamında açıklamak AB'nin kendini bütünleşmiş bir Avrupa hedefi ile özdeşleştiren gerçek bir Avrupa halkına sahip olmadığına dair asıl sorunu gizleyerek meseleyi basite indirgeyecektir. Sonuçta, ekonomik hedeflere bütünleşme sürecinin en başından beri öncelik verilmesi neticesinde kültür politikası ve kimlik meselesi ulusal devletlerin bir önceliği olarak kalmış, bu da kaçınılmaz olarak Avrupa bütünleşmesine halk desteğinin eksik kalmasına yol açmıştır. Bu çerçevede Avrupa kimliğinin tartışılması ve bir Avrupalılık hissinin uyandırılması son derece önemlidir. Ancak AB'nin henüz gelişmekte olan benzeri görülmemiş bir siyasi birlik modeli olduğu unutulmamalıdır. Bu nedenle, AB projesi onun benzersiz yapısını azımsamayacak yeni bir anlayış yaratmak üzere yeni terimler ve farklı bakış açıları ile tartışılmalıdır. AB, bütünleşme süreci ile ilgili tartışma ve söylemler bir AB-ulus devlet ikilemine indirilmediği taktirde eğitim ve kültür politikaları gibi geleneksel olarak ulusal devletlerin kontolünde olan alanlarda yaratıcı ve cesur girişimlerde bulunabilecektir . Bu bağlamda, 'Eğitim Politikasının Avrupa Kimliğinin İnşasındaki Rolü' başlıklı yüksek lisans tezi, AB'nin ortak bir eğitim politikası oluşturmadaki rolü ve etkinliğini, işsizlik sorunu ve gittikçe artan küreselleşmeden kaynaklanan teknolojik ve ekonomik rekabet gibi iç ve dış etkenleri göz önünde bulundurarak açıklamayı amaçlamıştır. Kapsamlı bir değerlendirmeye ulaşabilmek için Avrupa eğitim politikasının oluşumu ve başlıca araçları, hem tarihsel arka plan hem de üye ülkelerin ilk ve orta öğrenim yerine mesleki eğitim ve yüksek öğrenim alanlarında işbirliği yapmadaki istekliliklerinin ardındaki nedenler verilerek incelenmiştir. Sonuç olarak, bu çalışma üye ülkelerin ortak bir Avrupa eğitim politikasının oluşturulması söz konusu olduğunda bir Avrupa üst-kimliğinin yaratılmasına yönelik gerçek bir isteklilikten çok ekonomik hedef ve öncelikler doğrultusunda harekete geçtiklerini ortaya koymaya çalışmıştır. ABSTRACTEuropean integration project was put forward following the WWII, which caused social and economic destruction of Europe and claimed of millions of peoples lives, with the aim of preventing outburst of any total war in the Continent and also bringing European countries together in pursuance of common interests and objectives. The European integration has made great strides in this process. With the accomplishment of the Single Market and the Economic and Monetary Union, the political future of Europe has been widely discussed since the '90s. On the other hand, as EU became a union of 25 member states with the last enlargement covering the Central and Eastern European countries, the institutional management and decision-making process became extremely complicated. In order to find a solution to this problem, as well as to meet the issue of legitimacy caused by the increasing sovereignty transfer from national to EU level and the growing problem of democratic deficit, the European Constitution was prepared thanks to the great efforts of the concerned sides. However, the fact that the Constitution was rejected in referendums held in France and the Netherlands give rise to the serious doubts and considerations regarding the future of Europe. At this point, the reasons behind the rejection of the Constitution by French and Dutch people should be studied carefully. Explaining this result in terms of reaction against the integration process due to economic and social problems such as unemployment and fear of uncontrolled immigration will oversimplify the situation while veiling the basic point that EU does not have a genuine European demos identifying with the aim of a united Europe. As a result, since the economic objectives have been given the priority from the very beginning of the integration process, the cultural policy and the issue of identity have remained a priority of national states, which inevitably led to the lack of public support for European integration. In this context, discussing European identity and inspiring a sense of Europeanness are of critical importance. One should be reminded that EU is a unique political unity which is gradually evolving. For this reason, the EU project deserves to be discussed in new terms and from different perspectives so as to create a new understanding of Europe which does not underestimate its unique character. EU will be able to take innovative and courageous initiatives in the areas which are traditionally dominated by national states such as education and cultural policies provided that discourses and discussions about European integration process are not reduced to a nation-state-EU dilemma.In this regard, this MA thesis, titled as 'The Role of Education in the Construction of European Identity', aims to examine the role and influence of EU in shaping of a common educational policy by taking into account the external and internal incentives such as the unemployment problem and the technological and economic competition stemming from increasing globalization. In order to reach a comprehensive assessment, the evolution of European educational policy and its major instruments are examined by providing both the historical background and the main motives behind the willingness of member states to cooperate in vocational training and higher education areas instead of primary and secondary education. As a conclusion, this study attempts to reveal that the member states have been driven by economic aspirations and priorities rather than a genuine enthusiasm for the creation of a supranational European identity considering the formation of European educational policies.

Contemporary hostility towards Muslims at the global level and the consolidation of Islam in the geopolitical context as an anachronic alterity to the West cannot be understood without addressing the dynamics of the LGBTQ globalization framework. Although this hostility has so far encompassed very diverse areas like the compatibility of Islam with democracy, the regulation of the visibility of Islam in the public space, and the institutionalization of Islam and its relation to immigration, currently there has been an intensification of a praxis of control over some Muslim subjects by contemporary nation-states. These practices have been accompanied by a certain rhetoric on antiterrorism, securitization, nationalism and patriotism, where the LGBTQ question has played a fundamental role. This phenomenon highlights the emergence of a specific form of Islamophobia—referred to as 'queered Islamophobia' in this article—related to what Puar (2007) coined as 'homonationalism' more than a decade ago to denounce an aspect of modernity marked by a convergence between diverse state practices, transnational LGBTQ politics and the emergence of new Islamophobic discourses nourished by the neoliberal instrumentalization of LGBTQ. The homonationalist logic is underpinned by a culturalist discourse that promotes a dichotomous view of the world, where the West —modern, secular and LGBTQ friendly— finds itself face to face with its alter ego —orientalized, anachronistic, Islamic fundamentalist and LGBTQ phobic. This confrontation becomes effective through the transnational production of two antagonistic subjects. National homosexual subjects can only exist outside the limits of religion embodying agency and resistance, and their national legitimacy is done at the expense of their depoliticization and their participation in the subalternization discrimination and criminalization of Muslim sexual-racial subjects. They, in turn, embody neo-Orientalist ideas that link Islam with a lack of agency, depravity and/or sexual repression and LGBTQ phobia, and seem to be invariably evaluated through the lens of LGBTQ Western neoliberal secularism. The theoretical construction of Muslim sexual-racial subjects and so-called Muslim homophobia is, at this time, central to debates on values and securitization in the West and is used to justify repressive antiterrorist measures within Western nation-states (Haritaworn, 2008). Hostility towards gender and sexual diversity connected to Islam and/or Muslims has been conceptualized in different ways. Authors like Abraham (2010) refer to it as hegemonic Muslim homophobia, while Massad (2008) categorizes it as Islamic resistance to Western imperialism. In either case, it seems clear that the assumption of religiosity, in the Geertzian (1966) sense, constitutes a determining element when defining what a Muslim is —or is not— and explains their attitudes towards LGBTQ (Rahman, 2014). The problem is particularly acute considering the urgent need to address LGBTQ phobia as a compendium of geographical, cultural, sociopolitical, economic and legislative factors that goes beyond the strictly religious question. Indeed, the current rejection towards LGBTQ based on traditionalist interpretations of Islam —'Islamicate LGBTQ phobia' in short— and the growing institutionalized repression against sexual and gender minorities in Islamicate nation-states are part of a problem with many elements that cannot be understood without addressing some issues. Firstly, the relationship between gender and sexual diversity in relation to the Islamic tradition is complex. The second question concerns the influence of colonialization and neocolonialization on the gradual transformation of the traditional forms of sex/gender diversity that developed in the historic lands of Islam, as well as on social perception and the legislation adopted regarding these forms in the aforementioned states. The emergence of sexual liberation movements in the United States and Europe in the 1970s entailed an ongoing process of homosexualization (Roscoe, 1997) through which contemporary globalized LGBTQ categories have spread around the world (Rao, 2015). When combined with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the emergence of Islamicate nation-states, this process has constituted a threat to the continuity of the traditional forms of sex/gender dissidence. This phenomenon would not have been possible without the construction of an invented tradition of Muslim homophobia that is being instrumentalized both in the West—through the disciplinary apparatus of nation-states—and in Muslim-majority countries—through certain forces linked to Islamic fundamentalism—with the common purpose of legitimizing control over the internal order of the societies of both frameworks (Rahman, 2015). The main objective of this article is to review the state of the art of Islam in LGBTQ globalization by looking at the specific historical forms in which knowledge linked to each of these two axes is constituted, as well as the social practices, forms of subjectivities and power relations inherent to such knowledge from the point of view of surveillance, control and banishment strategies. This exercise will be materialised through the analysis of the two hegemonic oppositional positions of Islam and gender and sexual diversity—one of Islamicate LGBTQ phobia and the other of queered Islamophobia—through which Muslims in general and LGBTQ Muslims in particular are subalternized, discriminated against and criminalized today both in the West and in Muslim-majority countries. To that end, the present article proposes a queer approach that aims to contributes to international studies—and the contemporary debates within them—in which LGBTQ issues in relation to Islamic tradition are largely missing. In this regard, while the connections between race, ethnicity, religion, religion, class, gender, sexuality, state and nation have been addressed by certain disciplines of the social sciences, there is still reluctance to take queer contributions into account and, even more so, to frame them within the umbrella of the recently named field of Queer International Relations (Weber, 2016). For the purpose of this work, and without wishing to provide here a specific definition of a queer approach, what is really at stake in any queer research is not so much a specific methodological proposal, but rather a substantial political commitment to place gender and sexuality at the forefront of social science analysis, challenging, in so doing, the hegemonic orders denounced in their research. The queer approach is understood here, therefore, in the sense of moral and political commitment and counter-hegemonic denunciation, rather than in terms of disloyalty to conventional academic methods to which certain queer theorists refer. The article is structured in four sections: introduction, theoretical-methodological approach, discussion and conclusions. The introductory section clarifies from a critical anthropological perspective the relevance of the reconceptualization of religion as a category of analysis when approaching the study of Islam. The section on theoretical and methodological approach reflects on the implications of putting queer studies and international relations in conversation. The first discussion heading, focusing on Islamicate LGBTQ phobia, reflects on the relationship between sexual and gender dissidences, Islamic tradition and Muslim identity, as well as on the influence of colonization and neo-colonization on the current state of these dissidence within Muslim-majority countries. The second discussion heading, dealing with queered Islamophobia, delves into the framework of homonationalism and the consolidation of LGBTQ as a requirement for access to citizenship and as a civilizational marker of Muslim otherness. Finally, I present some brief conclusions and outline some possible future lines of research. ; El objetivo de este artículo es la elaboración de un estado de la cuestión sobre el islam en el marco de la globalización LGBTQ atendiendo a las formas históricas específicas en que se constituye el conocimiento vinculado a cada uno de estos dos ejes, además de las prácticas sociales, las formas de subjetividad y las relaciones de poder inherentes a tales conocimientos desde el punto de vista de las estrategias de vigilancia, control y prohibición. Este trabajo se ha llevado a cabo a través del análisis de las dos posiciones hegemónicas de oposición entre islam y diversidad sexual y de género —una, de LGBTQfobia islamizada, la otra, de islamofobia queerizada— sobre la base de las cuales las personas musulmanas, incluyendo las LGBTQ, son subalternizadas, discriminadas y criminalizadas en la actualidad, tanto en Occidente como en los países de mayoría musulmana. Este trabajo propone un enfoque queer a través del cual poner en conversación las Relaciones Internacionales y los estudios transnacionales y/o globales queer en torno a las conexiones contemporáneas entre raza, religión, clase, género, sexualidad, estado y nación desde un compromiso de denuncia contrahegemónica. Con el fin de profundizar en todas estas cuestiones el artículo está estructurado en cuatro secciones: introducción, enfoque teórico-metodológico, dos epígrafes de desarrollo y conclusiones. El apartado introductorio clarifica, desde una perspectiva antropológica crítica, la pertinencia de la reconceptualización de la religión como categoría de análisis a la hora de abordar el estudio del islam. El primer epígrafe de desarrollo, centrado en la LGBTQfobia islamizada, analiza los múltiples elementos geográficos, culturales, sociopolíticos, económicos y legislativos que componen esta problemática. El segundo epígrafe de desarrollo, dedicado a la islamofobia queerizada, profundiza en el ensamblaje del homonacionalismo y constata la consolidación de lo LGBTQ en tanto que requisito de acceso a la ciudadanía y como marcador civilizacional de la alteridad musulmana. Finalmente, en el apartado de conclusiones, se presenta un resumen de los resultados del trabajo y se pincelan algunas posibles futuras líneas de investigación.

The article analyses the attempt of socio-political rethinking of global climate change within Ulrich Beck's theory of the metamorphosis. Socio-political analysis of climate change requires clarification of its methodological foundations. This article states that at the beginning of the new millennium, the social sciences have come to a point of a deep methodology crisis. Without a new methodology, the social sciences would have to declare bankruptcy in the face of the tumult of the environment which surrounds us, where what was unthinkable yesterday is real and possible today. In this critical situation, Beck sets himself the ambitious task of developing a fundamentally new methodological basis for the analysis of the modern world - the theory of the metamorphosis of the world.It is emphasized that the concept of the metamorphosis is a landmark change in the focus of our attention and our worldview. It destabilizes all the definitions of modernity. Beck calls our attention to unintentional events and processes that go largely unnoticed, mostly outside the domains of politics and democracy, as side effects of radical technical and economic modernization. They are triggers for a fundamental shock that undermines the anthropological constants of our existence in the world and our understanding of the world. The distinction between nature and society has ceased to exist.The article notes that Beck explained the significant difference between the theoretical foundations of the theory of world risk society and the new theory of the metamorphosis of the world. Where the theory of world risk society had analysed the negative side effects of the good, the new theory focuses on the positive side effects of the bad, which do not, however, automatically create a better world. Beck is constantly focusing his attention on the lack of predetermined course of events: the metamorphosis is a process that has no end. It is an open, irreversible and highly ambivalent process.Stubbornly refusing the temptation to create a new horrific scenario of climate apocalypse, Beck proposes his own analytical approach of seeking to answer the question of how climate change affects society and politics. It is necessary to set free our political and social imagination, which now faces the daunting task of encompassing the interaction and interdependence of the human, society and nature in the conditions of globalization, and the corresponding changes in the political sphere.In terms of socio-political analysis, we are faced with situations of lack of understanding, because climate change can have different and possibly opposing impacts on people's lives even within a single region, let alone between geographically remote ones. Someone wins and someone loses in different ways (including ways as yet unknown today). Accordingly, a complex multilevel model of the metamorphosis of the world emerges, which takes into account the interaction of local, regional, national and global conditions which create specific structures as a consequence of social inequalities and power relations. In order to face the challenges and risks of climate change, global society needs a large-scale, cosmopolitan, planetary-level POLITICS in the face of powerlessness of the national-international politics.The open nature of the future gives reason to speak of the particular importance of political decisions taken in response to climate threats. Choosing cooperation between countries with different levels of development, we must distinguish between the theory of dependency and the theory of cosmopolitanisation in the context of socio-political rethinking of climate change. Indeed, both theories describe global forms of historical transcontinental inequalities and asymmetric power relations. However, cosmopolitanisation forms the normative horizon of equality and justice, including climate justice. Obviously, the new horizon does not automatically reduce the asymmetry in relations between countries (Beck emphasizes that global inequality may even increase), but it would lead to the implementation of global norms of equality. It is when we consider climate catastrophes in the context of justice that the question arises of whether existing patterns of inequality and vulnerability are fair and we leave the discourse of "how to manage our risks" behind. It is when we focus on the mechanisms of creation and dissemination of the negative effects that we will see the movements which are typically invisible to everyday perception. Our scientific perspective will combine what is nationally and geographically divided, becoming "the cosmopolitan perspective".Moving from theoretical to practical, Beck acknowledges that in the (in)human conditions of existence in the early 21st century, the imperialist interconnectedness of radically unequal worlds still dominates. The reality and prospects of the metamorphosis make possible the emergence of a new imperialist order and 'climate colonialism' against the background of the continued existence of colonial patterns. There is a fundamental distinction between decision makers and risk generators, and those who suffer from these decisions and risks. However, according to Beck, we can only see this imperialist structure if we change the optics of the nation-state to a cosmopolitan perspective in the socio-political rethinking of climate change in relation to the climate justice horizon for those already living in the global world and for those who are yet to be born into it. The main change Beck proposes is to see in people and communities not the victims of the effects of climate change, but citizens whose rights must be protected.We conclude that Beck's theoretical explorations and conclusions on socio-political understanding of climate change are of utmost importance for Ukraine, where rethinking climate change has not yet become a first-order issue on the socio-political agenda. Any country's lack of attention to the major issue of climate change can be abused. Global climate risks threaten, according to Beck, both the lives of individual citizens and the sovereignty of nation states.Key words: Beck U., climate justice, climate colonialism, socio-political rethinking of climate change, the theory of the metamorphosis. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу спроби соціально-політичного переосмислення глобальних кліматичних змін у теорії метаморфозісу У. Бека. Доводиться значення теорії метаморфозісу щодо з'ясування взаємозалежності людини, суспільства, природи в умовах глобалізації і відповідним змінам у сфері політики. Наголошується, що тільки з позиції соціально-політичного аналізу кліматичних змін можна визначити нормативний горизонт кліматичної справедливості для глобального світу, побачити загрози кліматичного колоніалізму.Ключові слова: Бек У., кліматична справедливість, кліматичний колоніалізм, соціально-політичне переосмислення кліматичних змін, теорія метаморфозісу. Статья посвящена анализу попытки социально-политического переосмысления климатических изменений в теории метаморфозиса У. Бека. Доказывается значение теории метаморфозиса для выяснения взаимозависимости человека, общества, природы в условиях глобализации и соответствующим изменениям в сфере политики. Подчеркивается, что только с позиции социально-политического анализа климатических изменений можно определить нормативный горизонт климатической справедливости для глобального мира, увидеть угрозы климатического колониализма.Ключевые слова: Бек У., климатическая справедливость, климатический колониализм, социально-политическое переосмысление климатических изменений, теория метаморфозиса. The article analyses the attempt of socio-political rethinking of global climate change within Ulrich Beck's theory of the metamorphosis. Socio-political analysis of climate change requires clarification of its methodological foundations. This article states that at the beginning of the new millennium, the social sciences have come to a point of a deep methodology crisis. Without a new methodology, the social sciences would have to declare bankruptcy in the face of the tumult of the environment which surrounds us, where what was unthinkable yesterday is real and possible today. In this critical situation, Beck sets himself the ambitious task of developing a fundamentally new methodological basis for the analysis of the modern world - the theory of the metamorphosis of the world.It is emphasized that the concept of the metamorphosis is a landmark change in the focus of our attention and our worldview. It destabilizes all the definitions of modernity. Beck calls our attention to unintentional events and processes that go largely unnoticed, mostly outside the domains of politics and democracy, as side effects of radical technical and economic modernization. They are triggers for a fundamental shock that undermines the anthropological constants of our existence in the world and our understanding of the world. The distinction between nature and society has ceased to exist.The article notes that Beck explained the significant difference between the theoretical foundations of the theory of world risk society and the new theory of the metamorphosis of the world. Where the theory of world risk society had analysed the negative side effects of the good, the new theory focuses on the positive side effects of the bad, which do not, however, automatically create a better world. Beck is constantly focusing his attention on the lack of predetermined course of events: the metamorphosis is a process that has no end. It is an open, irreversible and highly ambivalent process.Stubbornly refusing the temptation to create a new horrific scenario of climate apocalypse, Beck proposes his own analytical approach of seeking to answer the question of how climate change affects society and politics. It is necessary to set free our political and social imagination, which now faces the daunting task of encompassing the interaction and interdependence of the human, society and nature in the conditions of globalization, and the corresponding changes in the political sphere.In terms of socio-political analysis, we are faced with situations of lack of understanding, because climate change can have different and possibly opposing impacts on people's lives even within a single region, let alone between geographically remote ones. Someone wins and someone loses in different ways (including ways as yet unknown today). Accordingly, a complex multilevel model of the metamorphosis of the world emerges, which takes into account the interaction of local, regional, national and global conditions which create specific structures as a consequence of social inequalities and power relations. In order to face the challenges and risks of climate change, global society needs a large-scale, cosmopolitan, planetary-level POLITICS in the face of powerlessness of the national-international politics.The open nature of the future gives reason to speak of the particular importance of political decisions taken in response to climate threats. Choosing cooperation between countries with different levels of development, we must distinguish between the theory of dependency and the theory of cosmopolitanisation in the context of socio-political rethinking of climate change. Indeed, both theories describe global forms of historical transcontinental inequalities and asymmetric power relations. However, cosmopolitanisation forms the normative horizon of equality and justice, including climate justice. Obviously, the new horizon does not automatically reduce the asymmetry in relations between countries (Beck emphasizes that global inequality may even increase), but it would lead to the implementation of global norms of equality. It is when we consider climate catastrophes in the context of justice that the question arises of whether existing patterns of inequality and vulnerability are fair and we leave the discourse of "how to manage our risks" behind. It is when we focus on the mechanisms of creation and dissemination of the negative effects that we will see the movements which are typically invisible to everyday perception. Our scientific perspective will combine what is nationally and geographically divided, becoming "the cosmopolitan perspective".Moving from theoretical to practical, Beck acknowledges that in the (in)human conditions of existence in the early 21st century, the imperialist interconnectedness of radically unequal worlds still dominates. The reality and prospects of the metamorphosis make possible the emergence of a new imperialist order and 'climate colonialism' against the background of the continued existence of colonial patterns. There is a fundamental distinction between decision makers and risk generators, and those who suffer from these decisions and risks. However, according to Beck, we can only see this imperialist structure if we change the optics of the nation-state to a cosmopolitan perspective in the socio-political rethinking of climate change in relation to the climate justice horizon for those already living in the global world and for those who are yet to be born into it. The main change Beck proposes is to see in people and communities not the victims of the effects of climate change, but citizens whose rights must be protected.We conclude that Beck's theoretical explorations and conclusions on socio-political understanding of climate change are of utmost importance for Ukraine, where rethinking climate change has not yet become a first-order issue on the socio-political agenda. Any country's lack of attention to the major issue of climate change can be abused. Global climate risks threaten, according to Beck, both the lives of individual citizens and the sovereignty of nation states.Key words: Beck U., climate justice, climate colonialism, socio-political rethinking of climate change, the theory of the metamorphosis.

This thesis consists of five essays in the field of political economy. The first part of the thesis includes three essays covering various aspects of the political economy of globalization and economic reforms, which are linked in several ways. The second part of the thesis includes two essays on the political economy of development in India. The aim of this introductory section is to give a brief and non-technical overview of the essays, as well as to explain the links between them. The discussion of the contribution of the research to the existing literature will be carried out separately in each essay. Globalization and economic reforms are two important concepts in the international political economy field. Explaining the social effects of both has been at the center of the international political economy literature for an extensive period of time. Much has been written about the effects of globalization on social outcomes (Dreher, Gaston, and Martens 2008, Schneider, Barbieri, and Gleditsch 2003) and there are at least two distinct trains of thought in academia and the public discourse. One view is that the structural changes towards more liberal economic policy can positively transform the economy and polity, increasing economic growth and welfare, as well as bringing much required modernization (Bhagwati 2004, Wolf 2004, Friedman 1999). On the other hand, more pessimistic voices, which include mainstream economists such as Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz, and Marxist critical theorists, believe that globalization can simultaneously promote a 'race to the bottom' in social standards that degrades communitarian bases of social stability and welfare (Rodrik 1997, Stiglitz and Charlton 2006). In fact, the global financial crisis of 2008, where people took to the streets in both developing and developed countries, has made the issue of whether or not globalization and economic reforms create socially undesirable consequences, ever more crucial. The first part of the thesis sheds new light on various aspects of the social effects of globalization and economic reforms, reviewing findings in the literature to date and extending existing theories. A major contribution of the thesis is the rigorous and thorough empirical evaluation of the human rights effects of economic reforms, and to what extent globalization has induced a race to the bottom in labour standards, while also contributing new empirical findings to extend the research surrounding the side effects of participating in IMF programs. The thesis is structured as follows. In chapter 1, we focus on the impact of economic reforms and economic freedom on human rights. It is argued that economic policy reforms will benefit most people in terms of better access to goods, lower inflation, and better economic opportunities (Murphy et al. 1991). However, critics of market reforms see the majority as losers from such reforms, expecting resistance that would lead to political repression (Przeworski 1991). Using the change in the Index of Economic Freedom as a measure of market liberalization reforms, employing data from a panel of 117 countries for the 1981–2006 period, the results show a strong positive association between reforms towards more free markets and governments' respect for human rights, controlling for a host of relevant factors, including the possibility of endogeneity. These results lend support to those who argue that freer markets generate better economic conditions and higher levels of social harmony. In fact, halfhearted measures at implementing reforms could be dangerous to human rights. After exploring the impact of economic reforms on human rights, we continue by linking economic liberalization policies prescribed by international organizations such as the IMF to the outbreak of civil war in chapter 2. As the global economic downturn has heightened concerns over intervention by international financial institutions, as well as political stability, a prominently published work by Hartzell, Hoddie and Bauer (2010) purports to show that signing on to an IMF Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) increased the risk of civil war during the 1970–1999 period. They claim that the IMF's SAPs push economic liberalization to the point where some people are so negatively affected as to foment civil war. We advance this debate by critically examining their theoretical and empirical evidence, particularly questioning their crucial assumptions about the impact of IMF programs on the economic environment in terms of the actual winners and losers from economic liberalization, and who might be in a position to rebel. Separating the effects of crises from IMF interventions is crucial since crises also generate losers in their own right. With only minor adjustments to their study, we find the exact opposite of what they conclude. We show that their measure of signing on to an IMF program remains consistently insignificant in explaining the outbreak of civil war, using the threshold of 25 battle deaths when defining the onset of a civil war. These results suggest that their operationalization of the IMF variable, as well as the utilization of large-scale civil wars (1000 deaths and above), captures the effect of ongoing war rather than the effects of liberalization. After extending the time period under study from 1970–1999 to 1970–2008, as well as making some minor changes to operationalization, again we find that IMF involvement is at worst a poor predictor of conflict, and at best, an alleviator of the risk. The next chapter turns to a topic which is currently the focus of both politicians and the labour unions in general. We analyze whether inter-country competition for investment has adverse effects on labour standards. Among the many concerns over globalization is that as nations compete for international firms, they will relax labour standards as a method of lowering costs and attracting investment. Using spatial econometric estimation on panel data for 148 developing countries over 18 years, we find that the labour standards in one country are indeed positively correlated with labour standards elsewhere (i.e., a reduction in the labour standards of other countries reduces the labour standards of the country in question). This interdependence is more evident in labour practices (i.e., enforcement) than in labour laws. Furthermore, competition is most fierce in those countries which already have low standards. Since there has been a decline in the labour practices and laws across all three groups, this is possible evidence of a race to the bottom as nations compete for investment. The second part of the thesis focuses on essays on the political economy of development in India. India is often hailed as one of the success stories of globalization (Basu 2008). Indeed, after the inception of market economic reforms in 1991, economic growth has been both sustained and impressively robust in terms of national economic indicators (Basu 2008). However, despite rapid economic growth during the post-1990 period, the benefits of economic growth are unevenly distributed, and some areas and groups of people have seen their living standards decline (Banerjee 2010). One could argue that this is somewhat surprising given the rapid surge in economic growth in recent years (Bardhan 2010). In connection with this, two critical issues have attracted a lot of attention, both within and outside India. First is the issue of corruption which is seen as a hindrance to prosperity and development, and the second is the emergence of India as one of the major donors of development aid. In chapter 4, we focus particularly on the influence of the timing of elections on controlling corruption. Firstly, we develop a conceptual framework that extends theories of political budget cycles to corruption, where an incumbent government considers controlling corruption based purely on political considerations. More specifically, we investigate whether the timing of elections affects the responsiveness of the incumbent government to control corruption. Secondly, we empirically test the predictions of the conceptual framework using 30 Indian states during the 1988–2009 period. Consistent with the conceptual framework developed, i.e., an incumbent politician might exert greater effort in an election year to control corruption, the findings show that scheduled elections (and not unscheduled elections) are associated with an increase in the number of corruption cases registered. In addition, we find that corruption cases registered tend to increase as a scheduled election year draws closer. Furthermore, the effects are found to be stronger in 'swing states' (where the margin of victory of the incumbent in the previous election was 5% or less), and in state scheduled election years which coincide with national elections. On the other hand, there is no effect of scheduled elections on corruption cases being investigated by anti-corruption agencies. The following chapter examines a puzzling question about India. Here, we analyze what determines Indian development aid. It is indeed puzzling to note that India, which has a large domestic population suffering from underdevelopment, chronic poverty and mal-governance, is emerging as an important aid donor. With the intension of learning why poor countries provide foreign aid, this is the first work to econometrically analyze India's aid allocation decisions. We utilize cross-sectional data on aid commitments to 128 developing countries by the Ministry of External Affairs and the Export-Import Bank of India, obtained in US dollars from AidData for the 2008-2009 period. We then compare India's bilateral aid allocation with that of other donors to examine if India is any different regarding the motivation behind its allocation decisions. The findings show that India's aid allocation decisions are largely driven by commercial and political self-interest. While recipient need does not seem to be a key determinant, neighboring countries receive considerable attention.

The 2008 financial crisis opened the doors of green capitalism as a financially sound approach to saving the planet from the worst effects of the climate emergency. The emphasis on the role of finance in promoting "green growth" has permeated mainstream political, academic and business approaches to climate change adaptation and mitigation, assuming multiple forms - from the carbon markets of the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement, to the Environmental, Social and Governance taxonomy for "green" investments, to the proliferation of sustainable labels in several economic sectors. The present article offers a critical appraisal of one of the most prominent arguments that upholds the idea that it is possible and desirable to achieve sustainability and economic growth through finance: green bonds. Green bonds are debt instruments whose proceeds are earmarked to fund projects with supposedly environmental benefits. After some years in the background, they now occupy a central position in the green recovery narrative and political framework all over the world. Most of the academic literature tends to naturalize green bonds as an eminently technical solution to reconcile economic growth and environmental sustainability. Filling an epistemological gap, the present article leverages a world-ecology approach to embed the financial phenomenon of green bonds within the broader picture of the capitalist political economy and the expansion of its ecological frontier. In light of the ongoing experiences that the authors have been following in the Brazilian legal, financial and political context, the article unpacks and makes sense of green bonds as a tool in the hands of climate finance that reproduces global patterns of North-South uneven development and the shifting of ecological costs. To test the potential of the "interpretative framework" offered by a world-ecology approach, we mobilize it in the concrete case of green bonds issuances directed to fund the forestry sector in Brazil. Aware that the current phenomenon only represents a blip in comparison to the largeer temporal (the longue dureé) and spatial (the world system) scales usually deployed by world-ecology, we nonetheless discuss how the ideological, technical and power dynamics behind the issuance of green bonds unleash capital accumulation, produce a financialized and subordinated construction of nature, and entail an institutional arrangement. The article is organized around 3 main sections. After the introduction, section 1 describes green bonds as one of the most fashionable financial topics of the moment, and one that promotes a shift in discourses towards the need of actively building a "green economy". Although from a legal standpoint green bonds embody no significant difference from regular bonds, our focus is to describe the promises around them, the current (private) governance structure, and the trends in the issuance of these debt instruments both in the Global North and South, with a specific focus on the case of Brazil. In section 2, we look at the operations of green bonds emissions on the ground, i.e. taking as an example the context of green debt underpinning the Brazilian forestry sector. The analysis reveals how the emissions, made predominantly by large multinational companies actively present on the global market, feed off great efforts deployed by both the public and the private sector in constructing an image of the sector as a key player in the emergent "bioeconomy" and in the strengthening of Brazil's goals in the Paris Agreement. However, we describe how green bond revenues that are officially committed to the implementation of "sustainable management of forests" are associated with the expansion of the ecological frontier in the Brazilian territory, stretching the boundaries of the area dedicated to tree plantations and amplifying social and environmental tensions. The backstage of the emissions shows how capital accumulation through green bonds is associated with the co-production of nature for the purpose of accumulation, generating concerns that are often diluted or transformed into procedural requirements. Debt generated by the subscription of green bonds, we argue, is not only financial, but also social and ecological. In section 3, we put forward that for private accumulation to be successful, green bonds in the forestry sector demand an institutional arrangement that combines state support and private governance of debt in its financial, social and ecological dimensions. Rather than being the result of an idealized and spontaneous market, a set of institutional transformations have to be considered in order to comprehend the feasibility of green bonds in the Brazilian forestry sector. We thus describe the historic connection between forestry and the state, the endless public incentives to put nature to work, the functional adaptations of the Brazilian environmental legislation and the regulation concerning the demarcation, access and use of land. In this context, we argue that green bonds add yet a new institutional layer to the process of creating and validating specific forms of nature, through a governance structure that dilutes the tensions between the promise of environmental benefits and its concrete negative social and environmental impacts. We conclude the article by reassembling these findings as part of the capitalist world ecology "dialectical unity" of capital accumulation, co-production of nature and power. We suggest that the world-ecology approach allows us to grasp green bonds as a complex form that has so far been ignored in the relevant literature. As any other phenomenon of financialization, a green bond should not be understood in isolation from its material basis, since it is from that basis – and its social and environmental conditions and contradictions – that it appropriates value. As the example of the Brazilian forestry sector illuminates, the "greenness" of the financial debt inscribed in green bonds may come into existence at the expense of the social and environmental debt that underlie the forestry sector productive model. Hence, although the explicit inclusion of "environmental concerns" into financial considerations and project implementation has been praised as a step towards the recognition that finance has a material impact on the planet and that these externalities shall be accounted for, the article warns of the typical green arithmetic move put forward by green bonds. Green bonds inevitably co-produce nature and social relations, but in a very unequal way that emphasizes capital accumulation and that does not necessarily protect the environment (even when standards are introduced). Much to the contrary, green bonds may come into being at the expense of other ways of living ecologically, and by restoring injustices of the past and creating a regenerative future - in other words, by creating debt.

La tesis doctoral «La juridificación del concepto europeo de pensiones adecuadas, seguras y sostenibles» aborda el encaje en el ordenamiento jurídico español de la agenda europea de modernización de los sistemas de protección social y en concreto del concepto de pensiones adecuadas, seguras y sostenibles propuesto por el Libro Blanco de Pensiones, el cual, culmina un proceso de casi más de una década en torno a la reforma de los sistemas europeos de pensiones y establecer las pautas a seguir por los legisladores nacionales. El objetivo general obedece a la necesidad de acotar los procesos discursivo-políticos en los que se han desarrollados las reformas de la pensión de jubilación de 2011 y 2013 en España, y sistematizar las medidas adoptadas para el cumplimiento de esos fines. Para tal fin, se plantean una serie de objetivo específicos, que han servido a su vez para estructurar el contenido del trabajo en cuatro partes, a saber: Una primera parte introductoria, donde se aborda el encaje dentro del ordenamiento jurídico español de la agenda europea de modernización de los sistemas de protección social y en concreto del concepto de pensiones adecuadas, seguras y sostenibles. Se ha reconstruido desde la óptica europea, el debate comunitario sobre pensiones, buscando antecedentes remotos y próximos en las instituciones y organismos europeos. La segunda parte, en idioma italiano y desde un enfoque de derecho comparado, se ocupa con rigor de caracterizar en ambos países del concepto de pensión adecuada. En la tercera parte de la tesis se considera el recurso a la complementariedad entre las rentas del trabajo y las rentas pasivas del pensionista. En la última parte de la tesis se abordan las insuficiencias normativas para el anticipo de la edad de retiro en aquellas ocupaciones sometidas a mayores exigencias psico-físicas. La metodología jurídica empleada ha sido el modelo tridimensional del Derecho, aquella teoría que considera a éste como valor, norma y hecho. De un lado, se ha abordado el estudio de los cambios de valores y hechos, a través del análisis del discurso soft law (recurriendo a Comunicaciones de la Comisión Europea, a Conclusiones de los Consejos Europeos, al Diario de Sesiones del Congreso de los Diputados y a su Boletín oficial). De otro lado, para el estudio de la norma, se ha empleado el derecho comparado, comparando y yuxtaponiendo normas de distintas ramas del ordenamiento jurídico para el estudio de la compatibilidad entre trabajo y pensión, así como al derecho comparado internacional, intentando respecto a este ir más allá del mero estudio del derecho extranjero, al requerir de la comparación como actividad jurídica propia del mismo. El enfoque de investigación comparada ha sido eminentemente de carácter macro comparativo, al analizar los sistemas jurídicos en su conjunto desde una visión global del derecho a la Seguridad Social, con una menor presencia de los mecanismos jurídicos particulares de cada ordenamiento. Para el segundo de ellos, se ha dado cabida a la micro comparación, al analizar aspectos concretos del Derecho, confrontando la legislación, la jurisprudencia y demás fuentes del Derecho en aspectos concretos. A la luz de los resultados alcanzados, se concluye en modo propositivo el trabajo de investigación, destacando algunos aspectos críticos e incoherentes de la normativa española y formulando una posible reforma legal. ABSTRACT The doctoral thesis analyse the concept of adequate, safe and sustainable pensions proposed by the White Paper on Pensions, which complete the process of nearly a decade with regard to the reform of the European Systems pensions and establishes the guidelines to be followed by the national legislators. The general objectives obey the need to delimit the discursive-politic processes in which pensions from 2012 and 2013 have been developed in Spain and to systematize the adopted measures for the fulfillment of those purposes. To this end, it has been posed specific objectives that have served at the same time to structure the content of this essay in four main parts: Firstly, an introductory section, where it has been tackled the Spanish legislative system of the European Agenda on modernization of the systems of social protection and specifically the concept of adequate, safe and sustainable pensions. It has been reconstructing from European perspective, the Community debate about pensions, looking for immediate and remote antecedents in the institutions and European organizations. The second part, in Italian language and from a Comparative Law Approach characterizes in both countries the concept of adequate pension. In the third part, it has been considered the recourse to the complementarily between labour and passive incomes of the pensioners. In the last part of the thesis, it has been considered the inadequate regulations for the early retirements in those jobs with higher physical-mental conditions. The juridical methodology carried out has been the three-dimensional model of law, that theory that consider to this as a value, a rule and a fact. On the one hand, it has been dealt the study of the changes of values and facts, through the analysis of the Soft Law discourse (appealing to Communications of the European Commission, to conclusions of European Councils, to the Session's Diary of the Congress of Deputies and its official bulletin). On the other hand, comparative Law has been considered for studying the rule, comparing and juxtaposing different categories of rules of the legal system, to study the compatibility between work and pension, as well as the Comparative International Law, trying to go beyond the study of the foreign law, requiring of comparation as legal work. The comparative research approach has been eminently macro comparative analysing the legal system as a whole from a global vision of the law to the social security, with a lower relative presence of the juridical mechanisms related to each legal code. For the second of them, it has been considered microcomparation, analysing specific aspects of Law, facing legislation, jurisprudence and others sources of law in specific aspects. In view of the results achieved, it is concluded in a positive way the legislative paper, outstanding some critical and inconsistent aspects of the Spanish regulation and formulating a possible legal reform.

AbstractThe Mid-Atlantic: Fantasmatic Genealogies of the French and American New WavesbyJonathan E. HaynesDoctor of Philosophy in Film & MediaUniversity of California, BerkeleyProfessors Kaja Silverman and Kristen Whissel, Co-ChairsThis dissertation re-imagines the contexts for the paradigmatic film movement of the sixties. The French New Wave, I argue, was made and remade in translation, as texts circulated among French and American scholars, critics, and filmmakers. Subtending this circulation was a genealogical fantasy, with deep roots in the 19th century of Charles Baudelaire and Edgar Allan Poe. The Baudelaire-Poe liaison has become the defining symbol of la rencontre franco-américaine and is often invoked to characterize the transformative effects of Truffaut's and Godard's politique des auteurs on the reputations of key American filmmakers, like Howard Hawks and Nicholas Ray. Ambiguously connected to official traffic between the two nations, and manifest in a decades-long labor of translation that Baudelaire himself compared to prayer, l'affaire Baudelaire-Poe illuminates the degree to which French-American exchange was transferential. In Poe, Baudelaire saw the reflection of his own desire, and he spent the last years of his life making Poe's work his own. In so far as the Nouvelle Vague belongs to this lineage, the film movement cannot be confined to France and the early sixties; nor are the texts of the Nouvelle Vague (the films and the criticism) fully answerable to the exigencies of post-War phenomena, such as the Marshall Plan and generation gaps. Rather, these designators of historical specificity mediate a more complex, even subversive, family drama, in which French authors write themselves into the history of American art, while American authors re-invent French works in their own image. To capture the Oceanic qualities of a cultural exchange in which transnational logics are subordinate to intersubjective ones, I produce a new term - The Mid-Atlantic. The Mid-Atlantic refers to the actual space between France and America, where planes and boats crossed, transferring materials between the two nations. But the Mid-Atlantic has its own history, independent of its status as a shipping route. In the dissertation's introduction, I examine how the Mid-Atlantic has been figured by authors like Herman Melville, Gilles Deleuze, and Jean-Luc Godard, in order to make the case that the Mid-Atlantic constitutes a fantasmatic origin for the Nouvelle Vague. In Chapter One ("Beyond the Zero: Jacques Rivette on Fritz Lang") I argue that la politique des auteurs re-tailored film history in the image of desire. Through a close reading of Jacques Rivette's 1957 review of Fritz Lang's Beyond a Reasonable Doubt (1956), the German emigré's last Hollywood film, I attempt to show the devious ways in which Rivette assumes "authorship" of Fritz Lang through an act of critical exegesis that re-doubles and sublates the film it describes. Beyond a Reasonable Doubt and its author dissolve into Rivette's poetic description (which is also a depiction, the "stylo" transformed into the "caméra"). For the contemporary reader, who can only read this article in the foreknowledge of the legendary Nouvelle Vague films soon to appear, the article is doubly prophetic. It augurs the author Rivette - Paris nous appartient (1961) - as well as the future history of the Auteur "Lang," who ever-after would belong to the past of the Nouvelle Vague. Chapter Two, "Corresponding Vessels: Truffaut-Hitchcock" develops the larger argument about Franco-American transference through a close analysis of François Truffaut's legendary book of interviews with the master of suspense. In Truffaut's "Hitchbook," each auteur plays a part in the other's film: Hitchcock becomes a character in Baiser volés (Stolen Kisses 1968), while Truffaut, his merciless interlocutor, adopts the prosecutorial features of the detectives from The Wrong Man (1956). Like its literary ancestor, Baudelaire's Histoires Extraordinaires , which spawned a great deal of 20th century modernist art (from Symbolist poetry to le policier), I argue that the "Hitchbook" was the Big Bang of modern film studies in France and America. Published almost simultaneously (in 1967) on both sides of the Atlantic, this classic text was the root of New Hollywood, as well as gaze theory - here, Hitchcock becomes an Absolute Cinematic Value. In "Downtown Godard," my third chapter, I examine Amos Poe's 1976 "No Wave" film, Unmade Beds . Poe's film restages Godard's A bout de souffle (1959) on the bombed-out streets of New York's Lower East Side, and discloses unexpected affinities between the American Underground of Andy Warhol and Jack Smith and the Nouvelle Vague of Godard and Truffaut. I argue that the eponymonous "unmade beds" refer to one unmade bed - the ransacked hotel mattress in Godard's first feature, around which Jean-Paul Belmondo and Jean Seberg orbited, like twin galaxies of French-American connotation. A Mid-Atlantic figure par excellence, the unmade bed stands for the primal scene of sixties and seventies experimental film. My fourth and final chapter ("The Resurrection and the Life") examines the preponderance of the "death of the cinema" metaphor in current film and media discourse, in order to bring into focus how this crucial Nouvelle Vague concept (la fin de cinéma) operates in Mid-Atlantic terms. I read two "post-cinematic" films - Luc Moullet's 1971 "western," A Girl is a Gun: Une aventure de billy le kid and Alexandre Aja's shocking 2003 horror film, Haute tension - in parallel. Both films occupy the modality of le cinéma mort, as emblematized by important films like Godard's Weekend (1967) and Pier Paolo Pasolini's Salò (1975), which put "revolt" under the sign of revulsion. Yet, both also demonstrate the degree to which the "death of the cinema," however taken - as a militant call (Death to Cinema!) or as a simple fact of the mediatic society (the totemistic "cinema" of digital culture) - necessitates the appearance of a new kind of image, which will form the mythological basis for a New Cinema. In the dissertation's conclusion ("The Embryonic Image"), I extrapolate the consequences of this "new image" for film historiography and theory. Here I turn to Godard's Histoire(s) du cinéma (1988-1998), in particular a sequence from that work in which a portrait of a young woman overlays a scene from Charles Laughton's Night of the Hunter (1955). Godard's image, I argue, brings Mid-Atlantic figuration to a late-20th century apotheosis. It invokes the prayerful mood of Baudelaire's Poe translations ("Le voyage" is read on the soundtrack), and it postulates that the Cinema Itself was born in a single spasm of recognition: a French poet seeing his own features reflected in the words of an American poet.

ResumenLas ontologías de ciudad y territorio, la experiencia que de ellos tenemos y las técnicas que usamos para gobernarlos, la propia concepción de las formaciones socioespaciales que habitamos, son históricamente específicas, dependen de una genealogía de prácticas, saberes, discursos, regulaciones y representaciones articulados de forma compleja pero legible en el tiempo. Para inaugurar esta sección de historias urbanas hemos decidido dar un paso atrás, ampliar nuestro horizonte de reflexión e intentar aproximarnos a las lógicas y patrones por las que espacio y tiempo se entrelazan a través de un diálogo transdisciplinar. Para ello hemos invitado a dos autores de referencia en el campo de la geografía histórica y la historia espacial, Derek Gregory y Stuart Elden, miembros del Consejo Asesor Internacional de Urban, a entablar una conversación en torno a los espacios de la historia.Stuart Elden comenzó su carrera docente en la Universidad de Warwick y ha disfrutado de puestos como visitante en las universidades de Virginia, California, New York, Singapur, Washington o Londres, entre otras. En la actualidad es profesor en la Universidad de Durham. Fue uno de los editores fundadores de la revista Foucault Studies y en la actualidad es editor de Environment & Planning D: Society & Space. Ha publicado varios libros y numerosos artículos dedicados al análisis de la dimensión espacial en la obra de pensadores clave del siglo XX y a rastrear las intersecciones entre espacio y poder y la historia de nuestra concepción moderna del territorio. Su último libro como autor, Terror and Territory, ha ganado el Globe Book Award for Public Understanding of Geography y el Julian Minghi Outstanding Research Award del Political Geography Speciality Group, ambos de la Association of American Geographers.Derek Gregory desempeñó diversos puestos docentes en la Universidad de Camdridge, ha sido profesor visitante en numerosos centros y organismos de todo el mundo y editor en diversas revistas de reconocido prestigio. En la actualidad es profesor en la University of British Columbia, donde ha recibido varios premios y la condición de Distinguished University Scholar. Además ha sido premiado por la Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung, ha recibido la Founder's Medal de la Royal Geographical Society, es miembro de la British Academy y la Royal Society of Canada y doctor honoris causa por las universidades de Roskilde y Heidelberg. Ha dedicado buena parte de su amplia trayectoria a recorrer y estudiar diversas geografías históricas y a reflexionar sobre las intersecciones posibles entre la geografía y la teoría social contemporánea; obras como Geographical Imaginations o The Colonial Present —con nueve ediciones publicadas– son ampliamente reconocidas como textos clave en la teoría geográfica del siglo XX. Ha sido además Managing Editor de la última edición de The Dictionary of Human Geography.Con ellos hemos debatido sobre el lugar de la historia en la teoría socioespacial y en su propio trabajo, sobre los viejos y nuevos modos de pensar la intersección entre historia y territorio, espacio y tiempo, sobre las implicaciones de la geografía y la historia para pensar la política contemporánea y los retos al pensamiento crítico y la labor académica en la actual encrucijada de ataque neoliberal a la universidad pública y al Estado de Bienestar.Palabras clave: Teoría socio-espacial, historia espacial, geografía histórica, filosofía de la historia, Michel Foucault, compromiso social en la academia.AbstractThe ontologies of the city and territory, our experience of them and the techniques we use to govern them, the very concept of the socio-spatial formations that we inhabit, are all historically specific: they depend on a genealogy of practices, knowledges, discourses, regulations, performances and representations articulated in a way that is complex yet nevertheless legible over time. We have decided to open the Urban Histories section by stepping back, broadening the horizon of our analysis and looking at the logic and the patterns that intertwine space and time though cross-disciplinary dialogue. For this purpose, we have invited two key authors in the field of historical geography and spatial history, Derek Gregory and Stuart Elden, members of Urban's International Advisory Board, to join a conversation about the spaces of History.Stuart Elden started his career as a lecturer at the University of Warwick and has held visiting posts at the Universities of Virginia, California, New York, Singapore, Washington and London, amongst others. He is currently Professor at Durham University. He was a founding editor of Foucault Studies and is currently the editor of Environment & Planning D: Society & Space. He has published several books and numerous articles that analyse the spatial dimension in the work of key twentieth century thinkers and trace the intersections between space, power, and the history of our modern conception of territory. His last authored book, Terror and Territory, won the Globe Book Award for Public Understanding of Geography and the Political Geography Speciality Group Julian Minghi Outstanding Research Award, both from the Association of American Geographers.Derek Gregory began his career as a lecturer at the University of Cambridge, has been Visiting Professor at a string of universities around the world and editor in a number of internationally renowned journals. He is currently Professor at the University of British Columbia, where he has received several awards and Distinguished University Scholar status. His work has also been awarded by the Alexander von Humboldt Stiftung, he is a Fellow of the British Academy and the Royal Society of Canada, and has received the Founder's Medal of the Royal Geographical Society and honorary doctorates from the Universities of Roskilde and Heidelberg. A considerable part of his long career is devoted to the inspection and analysis of a wide range of historical geographies and reflection on possible interfaces between geography and contemporary social theory. Works such as Geographical Imaginations or The Colonial Present —now in its 9th printing— are widely acknowledged as key contributions to twentieth-century geographical theory. Gregory has also been Managing Editor of the 5th edition of The Dictionary of Human Geography.Our discussion with them covers the place of history in socio-spatial theory and in their own work, old and new ways of thinking about the intersection between history and territory, space and time, the implications of geography and history for thinking about contemporary politics, and the challenges now faced by critical thought and academic work in the current neo-liberal attack on public universities and the welfare state.Keywords: Socio-spatial Theory, Spatial History, Historical Geography, Philosophy of History, Michel Foucault, Social Commitment at the University.