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European studies have revealed a link between the level of cultural development of a milieu and the individual interest in all kinds of political events - particularly those from the realm of foreign policy. The gender-related differences among the responses are significant, particularly in certain clusters of European countries with a tendency of decreasing under the influence of education and employment outside the home. The tradition of equal educational and employment opportunities for men and women in Croatia has resulted in a deeper immersion of individuals in social developments, which may explain their marked and very similar interest in all political (including foreign policy) events, which were traditionally considered a domain of male interest. (SOI : PM: S. 42)

Since the language of political inquiry seems to be inescapably metaphorical, the question necessarily arises as to how metaphors of various types, including models, enter into the composition and expression of political knowledge. The solutions that have been most influential in contemporary political science can be called the verificationist and constitutivist views of political metaphor. While both views contain important elements of truth, there are fundamental difficulties in each that require the search for a more satisfactory view. An alternative view of metaphor and political knowledge is developed by reference to four main problems: Why is political speech metaphorical? How do metaphors make political things manifest? How are political metaphors tested? and Are metaphors indispensable to political expression and political knowledge?

This article examines the basic social science concepts of "power" and "social exchange" in order to determine the possibility and desirability of integrating them. It is argued that: (1) all exchange relationships can be described in terms of conventional power concepts without twisting the common-sense notions that underlie such concepts; (2) most–but not necessarily all–power relationships can be described in terms of exchange terminology; (3) there are some advantages to conceiving of power in this way; (4) recent social exchange theorists have neither illuminated nor recognized most of these advantages. After a preliminary examination of the concepts of "power" and "exchange," the discussion focuses on the analytical and conceptual problems associated with volition, exchange media, asymmetry, sanctions, and authority.

It seems that one of the major fallacies today is that of generalisation. We have all had our fill of the writer or speaker who refers to 'the African and his animistic religion', 'the Zulu and his impi-membership', or the 'military syndrome' in African politics. Every intelligent reader and student is conscious of the danger of generalisation and the tendency to lump under some uniform heading 'the African', 'the Negro', and 'the Afrikaner'. While animism, the impi, or military coups may mark or may have marked particular groups of people at a particular time, it is as dangerous to use such generalisations as it is to use the sweeping term 'the Afrikaner'.

CONSIDERS THREEPROPOSITIONS: 1) DOES HUMANITY HAVE A BIOLOGICAL NEED TO MAINTAIN THE MAXIMUM NATURAL BIRTH RATE? WOULD A LIMITATION OF THE BIRTH RATE HAVE BIOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCES; 2) WHAT INFLUENCE MIGHT THE "POPULATION EXPLOSION" AND LIMITATIONS ON BIRTHS HAVE ON HUMANITY AS A WHOLE; AND, 3) WILL NOT DENOGRAPHIC POLICY BE AFFECTED BY GENETIC CONSIDERATIONS?

Introduction to environmental planning and management -- Sustainable manufacturing -- Environmentally conscious manufacturing -- The ISO 14000 model -- Environmental planning -- Life cycle assessment -- Design for the environment, part I -- Design for the environment, part II -- Manufacturing strategies: agile, lean and flow manufacturing -- Environmental risk assessment and management -- Competing on environmental management

Asian Medicine and Globalization. Joseph S. Alter, ed. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005. 187 pp.

ANCIENT RITUALS, PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN, BRING THE OLD FOLK BACK TO THE CONTAMINATED LAND OF BELARUS

Elie reviews The Hidden Hand: Britain, America and the Cold War Secret Intelligence by Richard J. Aldrich.

Arabic cosmopolis? -- Translation -- On "translation" and its untranslatability -- The Book of Samud: a Javanese literary tradition -- The Ayira Macala: Tamil questions and marvels -- Seribu Masalah: the Malay Book of One Thousand Questions -- Conversion -- Cosmopolitan in translation: Arabic's distant travels -- Conversion to Islam and the Book of One Thousand Questions -- A Jew on Java, a model Malay rabbi, and a Tamil Torah scholar -- The Arabic cosmopolis of South and Southeast Asia

Proceeding from Connell's concept of hegemonic masculinity, this article examines the effect of differing social structures and culturally dominant patterns on masculinities in the German states, separated until 1989, German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany. The article starts with interviews with East German men, who were questioned about their understanding of masculinity and their view of the differences compared with West German men. The results of the interviews are analyzed against the background of the differing social developments in both German countries. Two different hegemonic patterns are identified: the hegemonic masculinity in West Germany is described as a pattern oriented on the lifestyle and aesthetic standard of modern middle classes and transnational entrepreneurship, while the hegemonic masculinity in the former German Democratic Republic is shaped through a proletarian-petty bourgeois lifestyle and taste. The thesis is formulated that after the unification of the two countries, the proletarian-petty bourgeois pattern lost its hegemonic role and, compared with the West German pattern of masculinity, has become marginalized.

This paper proposes a new reading of Moroccan abstract painter Jilali Gharbaoui through the lens of decolonization. Gharbaoui fits uncomfortably into the narrative of modernism in Morocco. Unlike other painters, interested in direct connections between their shapes or abstractions and traditional visual culture or Islamic art as a postcolonial claim of local identity, Gharbaoui's work is more elusive. Many critics have framed his abstraction primarily through his schizophrenia, as Gharbaoui died from suicide in 1971; this continual recourse to biography over the actual art objects puts Gharbaoui definitively at the margins of narratives of modernism. Moreover, this analysis precludes close attention to the ways in which Gharbaoui, like other painters of his generation, was shaped by the discourses of decolonization and the role that art could play in the new nation. Within this paper, in contrast, staying close to the work itself allows the possibility to understand the active ways in which Gharbaoui was negotiating questions of what postcolonial modernism could be. He sought to position himself as an international artist that was continually trying to bypass traditional aesthetics as a statement about modernity, but equally saw himself as deeply marked by his homeland. Read in dialogue and confrontation with cosmopolitanism, Gharbaoui's oeuvre can be analyzed in terms of the multiple ways in which Gharbaoui tried to understand the materiality of the art itself, his relationship to the space of production, and the political stakes of abstraction.

In this article I explore Montesquieu's discussion of republics and the constitution of England in order to question the extent to which he should be accorded a central place in a tradition of modern republicanism. This involves challenging Paul Rahe's recent thesis that Montesquieu thought both that monarchy was not at all suited to modernity and that England was a republic all along. By stressing the importance of honour and ambition I argue that the liberty that Montesquieu thought exemplified in the English constitution was, in large part, secured by its monarchical principle. Moreover, by eschewing the relevance of political virtue for modern commercial societies, Montesquieu set his own proposals out in opposition to the prevalent French republican discourse of his time; thus it is highly problematic to view him as having proposed a republic for the moderns. The article also serves to disentangle Montesquieu's understanding of political liberty from his analysis of republics in order to refute the idea that he provides support for a distinctively republican conception of liberty as non-domination. This undermines the republican critique of liberalism set forth by Philip Pettit, which is further challenged by considering the affinities between Montesquieu's and Constant's conceptions of liberty. Many commentators have argued that Montesquieu repudiated classical republicanism, yet on the reading advanced in this article it is equally problematic to view him as a modern republican.

Contemporary African fiction is a source of dystopian urban images juxtaposed with the kinds of 'good cities' to which the wielders of political or economic power subscribe. This article examines the dominant representations of the 'good city' and how they are contested or subverted from various narrative perspectives. It focuses on inscriptions of the city in fictional narratives and on inscriptions such as street signs and place names found in cities in order to explore the tensions and the contradictions in images of urban experience in Africa.