Suchergebnisse

L'objectif de cet article consiste a decrire et analyser les formes d'appropriation de l'espace urbain a travers la pratique informelle du skateboard. Nous posons comme hypothese que cette pratique de loisirs, qui rassemble essentiellement des jeunes, n'est pas si futile qu'elle y parait mais signe un acte politique qui invite a penser ces protagonistes comme des citoyens. Des entretiens semi-directifs et des observations de terrain de ces acteurs de la ville de La Plata en Argentine ont permis de realiser une socio-anthropologie du skateboard et de deceler les logiques d'appropriation de l'espace – en particulier de la rue – qui creent des tensions avec d'autres citoyens et diverses institutions publiques. ; The purpose of this article is to describe and analyse the forms of appropriation of urban space through the informal practice of skateboarding. Our hypothesis is that this pastime, which basically unites youth, is not as futile as it appears but rather signifies a political act that leads to the consideration of these protagonists as citizens. Semi-directional interviews and field observations of these stakeholders in the town of La Plata in Argentina have made it possible to complete a socio-anthropology of skateboarding and to reveal the logics of appropriating space - especially streets - which creates tension with other citizens and various public institutions. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo describir y analizar las formas de apropiación del espacio urbano a través de la práctica informal del monopatín. Sentamos la hipótesis de que esta práctica del ocio, que reúne fundamentalmente a los jóvenes, no es tan frívola como parece, sino que representa un acto político que invita a tomar a sus protagonistas como ciudadanos. Se han realizado entrevistas semidirigidas y observaciones sobre el terreno orientadas a estos actores de la ciudad de La Plata, en Argentina. Como consecuencia, se ha podido desarrollar una disciplina socio-antropológica del monopatín y detectar los mecanismos lógicos de apropiación del espacio, en particular de la calle, que crea tensiones con otros ciudadanos y diversas instituciones públicas. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Regulation 1049/2001 establishes and shapes the right of access to documents in the European Union. This right is limited by a series of colliding principles and rights, such as privacy of personal data, 'ordre public' or commercial interests. The European Court of Justice, through rulings by each one of its two Courts (the General Court and the European Court), has shaped and generally extended the scope of Regulation 1049/2001, increasing transparency in the institutions. However, there is no clear case-law trend as regards access to documents, since rulings often contradict each other and precedents are of relatively little value. Recent rulings, such as those given to the Borax and Bavarian Lager cases, seem to restrict public access to documents in the institutions by placing access to documents under other values such as privacy and data protection. This trend seems again to contradict what the Lisbon Treaty and the European Charter of Fundamental Rights have just introduced: a higher consideration of access to documents and a clear commitment with institutional transparency. This paper aims at giving a clear overview of the evolution and state of play of the right of public access to documents in the European legislation and case law. By analyzing the latest legal and jurisprudential developments, it can be concluded that law and case law do not seem to go hand in hand yet and seem to contradict each other. Immediate and further developments should be watched with a careful eye, as these will shape the post-Lisbon concept of access to documents. Consequently, essential principles such as transparency and data protection might undergo as well important changes.El Reglamento 1049/2001 consagra y configure el derecho de acceso público a documentos en la Unión Europea. Este derecho está limitado por ciertos bienes jurídicos en conflicto, como la privacidad de los datos personales, el orden público o los intereses comerciales. El Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea, a través de las sentencias emanadas de ...

This work deals critically with the islamic full veil ban in public spaces, that is starting to be adopted in some European countries and has found echo in some regulations of spanish municipalities. After a brief analysis of the general bans recently passed in Belgium and France and of the partial bans adopted at schools by other countries, like Germany, Italy or the UK, the article analises from a constitutional perspective, that includes the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, the constitutionality of the recently established local bans in Spain. The author reaches the conclusion that according to the Sp. Const. 1978 an adequate interpretation of the limitations to the freedom of religion and right to the own image, involved when wearing an islamic full veil, would make unconstitutional a general ban of the full veil in each and every public space, but would constitutionally allow its partial ban regarding the access to municipal buildings or services or regarding teachers and pupils at public institutions of education, when these partial bans could be justified by constitutionally values like the safeguarding of public institutions or services, or like the protection of the fundamental rights of others.En este trabajo se analizan críticamente las prohibiciones del uso del velo islámico integral en los espacios públicos que empiezan a proliferar en Europa y de las que empiezan a hacerse eco algunos Ayuntamientos españoles. Tras un somero análisis de las prohibiciones generales por las que se han inclinado Bélgica y Francia, y de las prohibiciones parciales que predominan en otros Estados, como Alemania, Italia o el Reino Unido, en ámbitos como el escolar se evalúa desde una perspectiva jurídico-constitucional, que incluye la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, las prohibiciones que empiezan a reclamarse y establecerse en España. El autor llega a la conclusión de que una interpretación dogmáticamente adecuada a la CE de 1978 de las limitaciones posibles a los derechos a la ...

Die öffentliche Vergabe ist ein riesiger Wirtschaftsfaktor, dessen Auftragsvolumen enorm ist. In der Europäischen Union gelten neben dem Primärrecht als Rechtsgrundlage die Vergaberichtlinien, an welche die nationalen Regelungen angepasst wurden.Bei der elektronischen Vergabe fehlen jedoch einheitliche europäische Standards für ein Online Vergabesystem, wodurch sich viele verschiedene nationale Systeme entwickelt haben. Um dieser Entwicklung Einhalt zu gebieten, rief die Europäische Kommission, mit Hilfe eines Länderkonsortiums bestehend aus 16 Mitgliedsstaaten, unter anderem das Projekt PEPPOL - Pan-European Public Procurement OnLine ins Leben, welches eine Laufzeit von 3,5 Jahren und ein Budget von ca. ? 30 Mio hat.PEPPOL ist eine Plattform, welche den elektronischen Verkehr zwischen den europäischen Unternehmen, allen staatlichen Einrichtungen und allen europäischen Institutionen im Zuge eines Beschaffungsprozesses ermöglichen soll. Neben dem Sparpotential der elektronischen Vergabe, besteht vor allem das Ziel, Klein- und Mittelbetriebe besser in die öffentliche Beschaffung einzubinden. PEPPOL ist so aufgebaut, dass kein einheitliches europäisches System entsteht, vielmehr soll es in die bereits bestehenden nationalen Lösungen eingebettet werden.Die Entwicklung von PEPPOL ist jedoch alles andere als einfach, und so gestand die Europäische Kommission mit dem ?Grünbuch zum Ausbau der e-Beschaffung in der EU? bereits Fehler in der Entwicklung der länderübergreifenden elektronischen Vergabe ein. ; The public procurement is a huge economic factor with an extensive contract volume. Beside the Primary law throughout the European Union (EU), the procurement guidelines are the legal basis to which the national rules have been adapted to.Cause of missing consistent European standards for the electronic procurement, many different national Systems for the online procurement arised. To inhibit development, the European Commission and a consortium of 16 member states set up the PEPPOL Project ? Pan-European Public Procurement OnLine with 3.5 years duration and a budget of about ? 30 millions.The vision of PEPPOL is that any company in the EU is able to communicate electronically with any EU governmental institution for electronic procurement activities. Beside the potential of saving costs, the main goal of the electronic procurement is to involve small and medium-sized companies into the public procurement. Therefore, PEPPOL is not a consistent European system, it should be integrated in the existing national systems by preference.Considering the complex development of PEPPOL, the European Commission had to admit some faults within the transnational electronic procurement and has published the ?Green Paper on expanding the use of e-Procurement in the EU?. ; vorgelegt von Leo Haslhofer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2011 ; (VLID)212776

Rapid development of information and communication technologies opened up new opportunities for global interactions – developed electronic space without usual time and distance strictures. Considering globalization, one of the most important tasks for the present government is being able to change along with the exigencies and expectations of modern society and business, being able to change state ruling and at the same time make public administration modern, using up-to-date technologies, rethinking and rearranging organizational processes considering consumer requirements and trying to achieve effective control. Electronic Government is understood as an entirety which includes integration of information and communication technologies into public administration, new skills and alternation of organizational activities designed for the purpose of public services, democratic operations and open politics' improvement. Further development of Electronic Government requires public services to be effective and secure. So, one of the key aspects of Electronic Government is to ensure the consumers, who are using electronic public services, satisfaction and pay exceptional attention to the services which can be offered internationally. In order to be able to offer these services electronically, we have to aim for a wide range of use, not only for relocation of the services into electronic medium. The purpose of work is to evaluate the implementation of Electronic Government and the information society development policy in Lithuania using the analysis of law, institutions and qualitative search based on statistics. This work analyses the realization of Electronic Government in public sector. The review of Electronic Government's offered services and the present situation of possible projects are presented in this work based on conception of public administration effectiveness, the law and institutions survey, statistics and the qualitative investigation. Also the recommendations and stakes of Electronic Government development are presented. They are subject to making public sector activities more effective, government expenses reduction, specifying citizen-oriented electronic public services and better cooperation between Government and Society, using all the possibilities and measures of Electronic Government.

The Comité National des Appellations d'Origine (CNAO), the first form of the Institut National des Appellations d'Origine (INAO), was formally established with the Decree-Law of 30 July 1935. Its creation coincided with the establishment of a new regime, a new quality standard for fine wines, the Appellation d'Origine Contrôlée (AOC). The objective of this research, taking field study this institution, is to understand the characteristics of the regulation of wines between 1935 and the late 1960s, and the interactions at work between the public sphere, State and professional sector, an economic sector, by definition consists of private actors. To achieve the goal, the purpose is structured around three parts, set in a chronological sense. The first part presents the original period of the institution, that is to say that the CNAO for the Between the two world wars. It is the time of the founding of the organization, invention and development of the AOC system. In the context of crises both political, economic, social, wine, the model sets its rules and unfolds quickly in the territory. Beyond the framework developed, the assertion in the profession, in addition to its proponents, however, is more gradual and proceeds in stages, partly because outbreaks of skepticism or reluctance, to his place. The lack of consensus and the multiplicity of local configurations, especially from the point of view of the old elements of expertise and power relations between producers and traders, are part of a registration protean standard and the development of adjustments from these early years. The second moment of the study, focusing its attention on the period 1939-1945, is also marked by the notion of crisis. The entry into the war of France and the establishment of the Vichy Regime, a circuit of Food and the Occupation period upset the balance largely developed in the last years of the Third Republic. The historic reversal of the economic conditions in the wine industry from an overproduction endemic shortage summarizes the ...

The analysis of the origins of the Lithuanian SSR KGB activity and relations with political government helps to understand this institution and does not only bring better understanding of this structure but also contributes to the knowledge of the Soviet totalitarian regime and policy in Lithuania. It is also important to show that KGB was not a secret service of the type analogous to secret services in the West, which pursued intelligence and counter-intelligence functions. Functions of soviet secret service were different from others secret services and this was also determined by specific of soviet system and aims of communist party. The main aim of the dissertation to prove that the Lithuanian SSR KGB was an institution primarily engaged in ideological and political rather than solely repressive tasks. It is also analyses impact of communist ideology and communist party on the KGB activities, by displaying its relations with the Communist party, Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR, the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR and the Soviet army which would lead to the conclusion on the influence of the Lithuanian SSR KGB to domestic political processes. The dissertation also attempts to enumerate and describe the fields of activity and methods of the Soviet security service that would reflect the ideological and political aspects of its activities. Dissertation is consisting of three parts. In a first part the main tendencies and changes in KGB activities after 1954 is reflected. In the second part political aspects of KGB activities are presented, that are revealed through analysis of relationship of KGB with Lithuanian communist party, Soviet Supreme, Ministry Council. In the third part is analysed how communist ideology, inner and international events influenced KGB activity and it's changes. Also society groups that were mostly persecuted by KGB are named and analysed reasons of such exceptions. KGB methods such as repressions, prophylaxis, discredit, propaganda, and disinformation were used against anti-Soviet resistance are presented and the role of KGB in ideological censorship and control is evaluated.

The analysis of the origins of the Lithuanian SSR KGB activity and relations with political government helps to understand this institution and does not only bring better understanding of this structure but also contributes to the knowledge of the Soviet totalitarian regime and policy in Lithuania. It is also important to show that KGB was not a secret service of the type analogous to secret services in the West, which pursued intelligence and counter-intelligence functions. Functions of soviet secret service were different from others secret services and this was also determined by specific of soviet system and aims of communist party. The main aim of the dissertation to prove that the Lithuanian SSR KGB was an institution primarily engaged in ideological and political rather than solely repressive tasks. It is also analyses impact of communist ideology and communist party on the KGB activities, by displaying its relations with the Communist party, Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR, the Supreme Council of the Lithuanian SSR and the Soviet army which would lead to the conclusion on the influence of the Lithuanian SSR KGB to domestic political processes. The dissertation also attempts to enumerate and describe the fields of activity and methods of the Soviet security service that would reflect the ideological and political aspects of its activities. Dissertation is consisting of three parts. In a first part the main tendencies and changes in KGB activities after 1954 is reflected. In the second part political aspects of KGB activities are presented, that are revealed through analysis of relationship of KGB with Lithuanian communist party, Soviet Supreme, Ministry Council. In the third part is analysed how communist ideology, inner and international events influenced KGB activity and it's changes. Also society groups that were mostly persecuted by KGB are named and analysed reasons of such exceptions. KGB methods such as repressions, prophylaxis, discredit, propaganda, and disinformation were used against anti-Soviet resistance are presented and the role of KGB in ideological censorship and control is evaluated.

Resumen: La organización de las nuevas universidades autónomas bajo el proyecto de reforma universitaria del Ministro de Instrucción pública César Silió (1919-1922), exigió la formación de unos estatutos de autonomía. Entre los órganos de gobierno previstos en el modelo de estatuto recogido en el decreto de 21 de mayo de 1919, se encontraba un comité ejecutivo, que en la Universidad de Madrid recibió el nombre de Consejo universitario de Madrid (1921-1922). En el presente trabajo el autor estudia la constitución y el régimen jurídico de esta institución que desempeñó un papel importante en el gobierno interno de la Universidad y que al mismo tiempo tuvo una misión relevante en la construcción de la Universidad de Madrid como universidad autónoma. A partir del estudio de las actas inéditas de este Consejo –que se incorporan al mismo como apéndice documental- analiza también su intensa actividad en el año de su existencia, hasta la suspensión de la reforma por decreto de 31 de julio de 1922. Palabras clave: Universidad de Madrid. Educación superior. Autonomía universitaria. Reforma universitaria Abstract: The new "universidades autónomas" [self-governing universities] created in May 1919 by the Spanish Secretary of Public Instruction, César Silió, required the drafting of self-governing statutes. Among the various institutions foreseen in the statutory model prepared by the government decree of May 21st, 1919, there was an executive committee, which in the University of Madrid was named "Consejo Universitario de Madrid" [Council of the University of Madrid] and operated during the academic year of 1921-22. This article analyzes the creation and legal charter of that institution, which at the time played an important role in the institutional development of the Universidad Autónoma of Madrid. The article studies the original acts approved by that Council and publishes them at the end as an appendix. It also describes the Council's intensive activity during its existing year, until the suspension of self-government by a decree of July 31st, 1922. Key Words: University of Madrid, Higher education, Universidad Autónoma, University reform.

In the Latin American context of extremely high crime, political scientists and policy makers alike need to ask whether crime, and the associated fear of crime, is helping to build popular support for repressive measures, and by extension, for repressive regimes. In short, is it possible that growing crime is a threat to the durability of democracy in Latin America? To test this proposition, this paper uses the 2008 Americas Barometer surveys. The premise of the paper is that rising crime and insecurity undermine democratic values and increase support for authoritarian measures. As crime rates increase and governments fail to stem the tide, citizen's belief that democracy is the best system may decline. Some citizens may support the imple- mentation of greater controls or extra-judicial measures. High levels of crime may reduce levels of tolerance and interpersonal trust, thus undermining social capital. Finally, crime victimization and the fear of crime could drive citizens to lose faith in their political institutions, particularly the police and judicial authorities. ; In the Latin American context of extremely high crime, political scientists and policy makers alike need to ask whether crime, and the associated fear of crime, is helping to build popular support for repressive measures, and by extension, for repressive regimes. In short, is it possible that growing crime is a threat to the durability of democracy in Latin America? To test this proposition, this paper uses the 2008 Americas Barometer surveys. The premise of the paper is that rising crime and insecurity undermine democratic values and increase support for authoritarian measures. As crime rates increase and governments fail to stem the tide, citizen's belief that democracy is the best system may decline. Some citizens may support the imple- mentation of greater controls or extra-judicial measures. High levels of crime may reduce levels of tolerance and interpersonal trust, thus undermining social capital. Finally, crime victimization and the fear of crime could drive citizens to lose faith in their political institutions, particularly the police and judicial authorities.

The study of African American Reconstruction leadership has presented a variety of unique challenges for modern historians who struggle to piece together the lives of men, who prior to the Civil War, had little political identity. The scant amounts of primary source data in regard to these leaders' lives before the war, the destruction of many documents in regard to their leadership following the Reconstruction Era, and the treatment of these figures by historians prior to the Revisionist movement have left this body of extremely important political figures largely unexplored. This dissertation will examine the life of one of Louisiana's foremost leaders, Lt. Governor Oscar James Dunn, the United States' first African American executive officeholder. Using previously overlooked papers, Masonic records, Senate journals, newspaper articles and government documents, the dissertation explores Dunn's role in Louisiana politics and chronicles the factionalization of the Republican Party in Reconstruction New Orleans. Born a slave and released from bondage at an early age, Oscar J. Dunn was able to transcend the stigma which was often attached to those who had been held in slavery. A native of New Orleans, born to Anglo-African parents, he was also able to transcend the language barrier that often excluded Anglo-Africans from social acceptability in Afro-Creole society. Although illiterate, Dunn's parents made critical strides in securing his social mobility by providing him with both a formal education and a trade apprenticeship. Those skills propelled Dunn forward within his Anglo-African community wherein he became a key figure in the community's two most important institutions, the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church. This dissertation argues that Dunn's political ascent was linked to the political enfranchisement of antebellum Anglo-Africans in Louisiana, Dunn's involvement in Anglo-African institutions (particularly the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church) and Dunn's ability to find middle ground in the racially charged arguments that engulfed Reconstruction New Orleans's political arena. Keywords: Oscar Dunn, Reconstruction, New Orleans, Republican, Louisiana, African American, Politics

Natural resources of forests is one of the natural wealth that has a very strategic value. Although these natural resources belong to the category potential of renewable natural (renewable), the management of the natural wealth of this should really be done in a wise, prudent and professional. The purpose of this study to determine the public perception of forest management at Natural Tourism Park (1WA) Penelokan and formulate a strategy of community-based naturalresource conservation in the 1WA Penelokan. Public perception of the spread of the questionnaire obtained by the method of purposive sampling. Further identification of internal and internal factors to formulate conservation strategies by u sing SWOT analysis. The results showed people's perception about the functioning of 1WA Penelokan stated that forests have many functions (multiple functions). Public perception of management policies that 1WA Penelokan community does not know the regulations related to forest management. Public Perception of Institutional Management in Penelokan 1WA stated that they are not part of forest management institutions. Public perceptions of the Rights and Obligations of Civil Society in the Management of 1WA Penelokan society have the perception that forests are publicly owned assets (common property). Community-based conservation strategy that is obtained by optimizing the management of natural resources Penelokan 1WA -based society, optimizing the ecological functions of 1WA Penelokan with community involvement, empowering communities to preserve 1WA Penelokan, optimize community participation in natural resource management 1WA Penelokan, improve education and socialization programs related institutions to the community, improve coordination among stakeholders in the management of 1WA Penelokan, improve the quality of the human resources about the function of 1WA Penelokan, socialize legislation to improve environmental quality, coordinate the relations between stakeholders to pressure changes in the function of forests, increase socialization and coordination to reduce damage forest environments, improve the quality of human resources management agencies in providing socialization and counseling, and optimize the role of stakeholders to suppress the loss of forest land.

International audience ; Just how much of the world ? Is such a matter new or old ? It may seem news for two reasons. On one hand, the sum of the populations of the different areas of the planet approaching, in the twenty-first century, a completely new figure, far removed from the 250 million people that the Earth was at the beginning of the Christian era. On the other hand, many past writings pose a rather opposite question : why so few people ? After answering these questions, the author shows that contemporary demographic situation characterized by some "so many people" is not the result of fate would have befallen humanity but, on the contrary, the consequence of economic, sanitary and hygienic progress made by this humanity for two centuries. It is not responsible for the poverty that still face too many people who suffer from bad institutions, draconian policies or corruption systems. Respond scientifically to the question "what good many ? "This is explain the changing geography of settlement according to the territories of the planet. ; À quoi bon tant de monde ? Une telle question est-elle nouvelle ou ancienne ? Elle peut sembler nouvelle pour deux raisons. D'une part, la somme des populations des différents territoires de la planète avoisine, au XXIe siècle, un chiffre complètement inédit, fort éloigné des 250 millions d'habitants que la Terre avait au début de l'ère chrétienne. D'autre part, nombre d'écrits passés posent une interrogation plutôt inverse : pourquoi si peu de monde ? Après avoir répondu à ces questions, l'auteur montre que la situation démographique contemporaine que certains caractérisent par « tant de monde » n'est donc pas le résultat d'une fatalité qui se serait abattue sur l'humanité mais, bien au contraire, la conséquence des progrès économiques, sanitaires et hygiéniques réalisés par cette humanité depuis deux siècles. Elle n'est pas non plus responsable de la pauvreté que subissent encore trop de peuples qui souffrent de mauvaises institutions, de politiques liberticides ou de ...

My dissertation, The Cultural Politics of Evangelical Christianity in the Dominican Republic, is broadly concerned with questions of religion, identity and culture. Through ethnography, I explore the dynamic intersections of religious identity, culture and morality as they are lived in the context of urban poverty. Based on over two years of ethnographic fieldwork in Villa Altagracia, Dominican Republic, my dissertation examines the lives of Pentecostal community members and the ways in which they negotiate identity, status and power in the context of religious heterodoxy and Catholic cultural supremacy. My dissertation contributes new insight into the dynamics of religious heterodoxy and pluralism, religion as strategic identity, and Pentecostalism as an important social and cultural institution at the local level. Pentecostalism is the fastest growing religious denomination in the Dominican Republic. This dissertation is concerned with the social and cultural effects of this growth at the local level and the ways in which Dominicans put their faith to work in their everyday lives. Pentecostalism in the Dominican Republic, because it is an entrenched feature of barrio life, features prominently in everyday negotiations of identity, status, and power. As such, Pentecostalism is an important vector in identity politics at the local level as well as social process and communion throughout the country. In the first chapter of this dissertation I explore exchange in the religious field and the relationship between Catholicism, Dominican vodú, and Pentecostal Christianity in the barrio and show how meaning is both shared and contested at the local level. In the second chapter I outline a politics of distinction at the center of local Pentecostal practice and show how Evangelical identity enables converts to transcend hierarchies of stigmatizing difference. In the third chapter I explore the relationship between the church and youth gangs. I explain the simultaneous popularity of both institutions for young men and conclude that both offer residents popular alternative spaces for critical agency and oppositional culture. In the last chapter I locate Pentecostalism within the context of Dominican ideas about masculinity, fidelity, and morality and explain how believers use Christian identity to claim respect in their communities

The democratization process started in post-communits countries after the third wave of democratization. Democratic consolidation is the result of the democratic process that reflects the country's democratic status. It is expressed through the quality criteria of democracy. Political culture, economic and social situation and human rigths and freedoms are very important criteria which are used in order to explain the democracy's consolidation in Lithuania and Estonia. Those countries chose the democratic regime. However, it is noticed that there are differences between Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. This is the main problem of this work. The problem's analysis is the aim of the research that is achieved by defining the concept of democracy and its conditions, making an analysis of Lithuanian and Estonian political culture, economic and social situation and the human rights and freedoms. So, the paper's object – is the consolidation of democracy in Lithuania and Estonia. The research uses descriptive and comparative methods that help to analyze the main differences and their reasons. The analysis has shown that Estonia has better economic and social situation than Lithuania since the becoming independent states. It could be influenced by advantageous geographical position, open market economy and German culture. The research has shown that when the economic situation is changing, the political culture is also changing at the same time. The comparison of democracy's consolidation has improved the fact that most of the citizens are inclined to trust in public institutions and government representatives when there are better socio-economic conditions in the state. People actively participate in elections and voluntary organizations. The work also has shown the main differences on Lithuanian and Estonian democracy's consolidation. Lithuanian democracy faces serious challenges. The main problem is related with the weakness of political culture. Although the economic differences between Lithuania and Estonia are not so big, but the activity of civil society, the confidence in political institutions and officers and attitudes to the future prospects are more optimistic. With regard to the rights and freedoms, the biggest noticeable difference – the political participation of non citizens.