Suchergebnisse

"The Right in the Americas discusses the origins, development and current state of conservative and right-wing movements in ten countries in the Americas. The growth of the right is one of the most important issues of the moment in global politics. Within the context of democracy erosion, rejection of traditional politics and economic uncertainty, right and extreme-right actors are capable of offering misguided answers and hope to a significant part of a country's population, who will trust their promises and bring them to power with their vote. This dynamic has repeated itself in an astonishingly consistent pattern across the Americas. This book analyses eight Latin American countries - Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Honduras, Mexico, Uruguay and Venezuela, along with Canada and the United States, two G7 countries. It demonstrates that conservatism is in fact a Hemispheric phenomenon, promoted and invigorated by the regional hegemon-the United States of America-both as government and civil society. Beyond this regional scope, the peculiarities of each case study are explored in detail, providing solid historical background, while at the same time uncovering their commonalities and cross-pollination. This study will be of great interest to scholars of conservatism, right-wing politics, comparative politics, North American, and Latin American politics"--

En varios países de América Latina una década de luchas "desde abajo" contra el neo-liberalismo ha allanado el camino para gobiernos "progresistas" y para un nuevo papel del estado. Deteniéndonos en particular en el caso argentino, el artículo subraya la novedad de esta figura emergente del estado, analizándolo en el contexto de tres características definitorias: una nueva legitimidad de los gobiernos "progresistas" a través de la negociación de su inserción en el mercado mundial, la creciente relevancia de los consumos populares y la profunda reorganización del trabajo. Retóricas, procesos y estructuras proveen tres puntos de entrada metodológicamente relevantes para la discusión ofrecida en el artículo. ; In several Latin American countries, a decade of struggles against neo-liberalism "from below" has paved the way for "progressive" governments and for a new role of the state. Focusing in particular on the Argentinean case, this article stresses the novelty of this emerging figure of the state, analyzing it against the background of three defining features: a new legitimacy of "progressive" governments through negotiation for their insertion in the world market, the growing relevance of popular consumption and a deep reorganization of labor. Rhetoric, processes and structures provide three methodologically relevant points of entry for the discussion undertaken in this article. ; Fil: Gago, Maria Veronica. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Economía Política de Buenos Aires; Argentina ; Fil: Mezzadra, Sandro. Universidad de Bologna; Italia ; Fil: Scolnik, Sebastián. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Economía Política de Buenos Aires; Argentina ; Fil: Sztulwark, Diego. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Economía Política de Buenos Aires; Argentina

Despite growing Latin-American discontent with United States policy, the inter-American labor organizations continue to provide liaison with a most important element of Latin-American public opinion. Friendly relations between labor organizations in the Americas were fostered by United States labor leaders who encouraged the growth of responsible, democratic labor organizations in Latin America. Of United States labor unions, the American Federation of Labor worked importantly, especially since World War II, to encourage pro- West, anti-Communist labor organizations on a hemispheric basis. The Congress of Industrial Organizations joined the Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers, the domi nant international labor group during the 1950's. During the early 1950's, the Argentine Peronistas competed to organize Latin-American labor, particularly through vilification of the United States and its labor unions. The fall of Perón ended that campaign, but the rise of Castro presented a new challenge for influence in inter-American labor organization. The Cuban menace to democratic, pro-Western labor organizations has been partly relieved by efforts of the International Trade Secre tariats, which became interested in Latin America in the late 1950's. The future of the inter-American labor movement hangs in balance between the success of the Fidelistas in generating and consolidating support and the ability of the United States to counteract trends of anti-Yankeeism and neutralism.—Ed.

While the world is focused on the economic impact of the financial and credit meltdown, what might be its impact on politics? In well-established democracies, probably not more than elections lost by incumbent parties seen as having mismanaged the economy. But what of consolidating democracies that predominate in the developing world, where some forecasts expect the crisis to hit the poor especially hard? This article uses AmericasBarometer survey data from Latin America and the Caribbean drawn on the eve of the crisis to project how it might affect democracy in the region.

On 4 November American voters will choose the 44th President of the United States. While the voters have learnt much about the US presidential candidates' views on Iraq, Afghanistan and other key foreign policy issues, little has been said about relations with Latin America. Despite its importance to the US, Latin America has not emerged as a significant topic of debate in the campaign. Both candidates promise to forge stronger relations with Latin America. The Democratic candidate Barack Obama promises a relationship of equality among states and a 'bottom-up' approach to reducing poverty. The Republican candidate John McCain will look to trade and open markets to reignite growth and development. Neither candidate has addressed the impact of the current global financial crisis on future relations with Latin America. Important differences between McCain's and Obama's policies towards Latin American revolve around a few key issues, notably Cuba, the Colombia free trade agreement, homeland security/immigration and how to deal with resurgence of anti-American radical populism. The arrival of a new Administration in January 2009 will require building on the substantial legacy of the Bush Administration and forging new ties with key Latin American states in a period of major international economic turbulence and in the context of an altered geopolitical landscape.

How economic, educational, and religious factors shape political ideology and partisan loyalties of both Hispanics and Anglos.

Abstract: This spelling came into e?ect after the government established the EyD of Indonesian language in 1972. The purpose of enacting EyD Bali Latin was in order to standardize Balinese language without losing the distinctiveness of Balinese language. The EyD is based on a Latin alphabet of 26 pieces. Some consonants such as / f /, / kh /, / q /, / sy /, / v /, / z /, / x / are used to write foreign vocabulary uptake. To write the Kawi-Latin spelling (Kawi-Latin literary pair), especially in writing Old Kawi / Javanese vocabulary in relation to the script alphabet from the Balinese script to Latin script can be used guidance of Ancient Java Dictionary in accordance with consonant classification or script script. Keywords: standardization, spelling, vowels, consonants, pairs of literature

Review.

This article draws on feminist scholarship regarding gender, especially the literature on Latin America, to argue that we should qualify prevailing grand narratives regarding the transition from welfare states to neoliberal states. Recent historical scholarship has re-emphasized the U.S. role in undermining movements for social, political, and economic democracy and in helping to roll back social safety nets and labor protections. But standard narratives on this transition fail to integrate the insights of feminist literature. That literature suggests that gender dynamics may converge with or diverge from other social, economic, and geopolitical forces—such as imperialism, neocolonialism, nationalism, or neoliberalism. Feminist scholarship and the changing condition of women, I suggest, require that we jettison tired narratives regarding imperial power and economic might and produce new ways of talking about historical transitions.

ObjectivesWe test the hypothesis that exile politics—measured by support for anti‐Castro policies—contribute to the overwhelming preference for the Republican Party among South Florida's Cuban Americans.MethodsLogistic regression is used to analyze six surveys conducted in South Florida between 1995 and December 2008.ResultsAmong Cuban Americans in Miami‐Dade County, measures of exile politics account for a recent downward shift in Republican registration, as well as for much of the variation in Republican registration by race and age. Also, measures of exile politics partly explain differences between Cubans and non‐Cubans with regard to partisan preference.ConclusionAlthough some scholars argue that domestic issues have taken a back seat in guiding party preferences for Miami's Cubans, a decline in support for anti‐Castro policies appears to have created a greater opening for domestic concerns in the 2008 election cycle.